The Sydney Morning Herald
Editorial: Punishment on principle

Date: 14/03/2000

THE division within the Senate committee on mandatory sentencing is a
measure of how easily side issues can contaminate a question of
principle. The minority report by the two Liberal senators, Helen Coonan
and Marise Payne, subordinates the justice principle inherent in
mandatory sentencing to secondary questions of less importance. It is a
sad surrender which cannot help but be seen as driven by
political rather than moral considerations.

Senator Coonan and Senator Payne fully acknowledge the moral objections
to mandatory sentencing. To that extent, they agree with the
majority of the Senate committee. But they do not accept the majority
recommendation, which is that the Northern Territory and West
Australian mandatory sentencing laws be overturned as far as they apply
to children. Both senators say it is preferable that the NT and
WA put their own houses in order. Anything more is a last resort.
Senator Payne concedes that if, after encouragement to change its
approach, "the operation of the Northern Territory mandatory sentencing
law remains incompatible with out international obligations, I
recommend that the Commonwealth government should intervene". And
Senator Coonan says the "injustice [of jailing children when
they should not be] is so grave that if the States and Territories will
not free them then the Commonwealth, where it has the power,
ought to do so".

Senator Coonan and Senator Payne cannot have it both ways. They condemn
mandatory sentencing of children, as the rest of the
committee does. But they conclude that another principle - that of
non-interference in State or Territory law making powers - is
important enough to prevent them from simple endorsement of Commonwealth
action to ensure the laws which include objectionable
provisions relating to mandatory sentencing of children are overridden.
In the light of the political reality in WA and the NT, they must
know that their faith in persuasion and moral reasoning as the way to
ensure the objectionable laws are changed is unjustified.

The federalist argument can be carried only so far. The history of
Commonwealth law-making in the late 20th century has abundant
examples of Federal laws made to apply in all parts of Australia. It is
true that the search for uniformity has usually occurred in a climate
of consultation. States have not been bullied or overridden so much as
persuaded. But States' rights to go their own way in all of their
constitutional areas of legislative power can no longer be regarded as
absolute. And as for the Territories, the Howard Government is
caught with its own precedent of overriding the Northern Territory
euthanasia law.

In the Senate committee report there are many references to Australia's
international obligations. But the questions of principle raised by
laws for the mandatory sentencing of children do not depend on what the
United Nations or its agencies might say. The reason for
rejecting the NT and WA laws is not the need to comply with
international agreements. It is because the laws are wrong. Put simply,
children should not be imprisoned unless there is no other appropriate
way to deal with them. Mandatory sentencing to jail does not allow
a judge or magistrate to apply other punishment. Punishment without
discretion or regard to the individual cannot go to the causes of
crime. In the case of a child, vulnerable and unformed as an individual,
that is a grotesque injustice. These arguments will not convince
those who refuse to see those most affected by the WA and NT laws -
young Aborigines - as individuals. But they should convince the
national parliament and ensure action, sooner or later, against
mandatory sentencing laws.


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