Why do you say the language quoted from Lee is "arguably the most relevant"?  
The Supreme Court appears never to have relied on that language in subsequent 
cases.  The Court's most recent reading of Lee comes from the 2006 O Centro 
case:

The Government points to some pre-Smith cases relying on a need for uniformity 
in rejecting claims for religious exemptions under the Free Exercise Clause, 
but those cases strike us as quite different from the present one.  Those cases 
did not embrace the notion that a general interest in uniformity justified a 
substantial burden on religious exercise; they instead scrutinized the asserted 
need and explained why the denied exemptions could not be accommodated.  In 
United States v. Lee, 455 U.S. 252 (1982), for example, the Court rejected a 
claimed exception to the obligation to pay Social Security taxes, noting that 
"mandatory participation is indispensable to the fiscal vitality of the social 
security system" and that the "tax system could not function if denominations 
were allowed to challenge the tax system because tax payments were spent in a 
manner that violates their religious belief." Id., at 258, 260. . . .  These 
cases show that the Government can demonstrate a compelling interest in uniform 
application of a particular program by offering evidence that granting the 
requested religious accommodations would seriously compromise its ability to 
administer the program.

546 U.S. 418, 435 (2006).

If Lee is less about imposition on employees and more about government's 
interest in uniformity, as O Centro suggests, then Hobby Lobby wins.  The 
government cannot have a compelling interest in uniformity with respect to 
contraception when it has exempted millions of businesses, covering many more 
millions of employees, from the mandate.


From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of James Oleske
Sent: Monday, July 08, 2013 2:01 PM
To: religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
Subject: The Hobby Lobby Case: Four Thoughts

In light of recent developments, including the Tenth Circuit's en banc decision 
holding that Hobby Lobby is likely to prevail on the merits of its RFRA 
exemption claim and the Administration's decision to delay enforcement of the 
employer mandate, this issue-rich case has suddenly become even more 
interesting. So with apologies in advance for the long post, here are four 
preliminary thoughts about the current landscape. Reactions and corrections 
would be very welcome -- I'm working on an exemptions piece this summer (albeit 
it in another context) and will be teaching a Religion and the Law seminar in 
the fall in which I'm inclined to spend considerable time on the 
contraceptive-coverage cases. Thanks. - Jim
I. THE TENTH CIRCUIT'S INCOMPLETE DISCUSSION OF UNITED STATES v. LEE

Given its conclusion that "the purpose of RFRA was restoration of pre-Smith 
free exercise jurisprudence, not expansion of the scope of the Free Exercise 
Clause," Slip Op. at 9, the en banc majority in Hobby Lobby understandably 
focuses heavily on United States v. Lee, the pre-Smith case that is most 
directly on point. See Slip Op. at 55 ("Hobby Lobby and Mardel stand in 
essentially the same position as the Amish carpenter in Lee, who objected to 
being forced to pay into a system that enables someone else to behave in a 
manner he considered immoral. That is precisely the objection of Hobby Lobby 
and Mardel.").

Yet, the majority opinion never addresses what is arguably the most relevant 
language from Lee:
"When followers of a particular sect enter into commercial activity as a matter 
of choice, the limits they accept on their own conduct as a matter of 
conscience and faith are not to be superimposed on the statutory schemes which 
are binding on others in that activity. Granting an exemption from social 
security taxes to an employer operates to impose the employer's religious faith 
on the employees." 455 U.S. 252, 261.

If Lee did not have a pre-Smith free exercise right to an exemption that would 
affect the relatively few employees in his carpentry shop, it's not clear why 
Hobby Lobby is likely to have a RFRA right to an exemption that will affect 
thousands of employees in its stores around the country. Cf. Cutter v. 
Wilkinson, 544 U.S. 709, 720 ("Properly applying RLUIPA, courts must take 
adequate account of the burdens a requested accommodation may impose on 
nonbeneficiaries."). At the very least, some effort by the en banc majority to 
engage the relevant language from Lee would seem to have been warranted, no?

II. NEW RIPENESS ISSUE MORE COMPLICATED THAN PORTRAYED
Following last week's announcement that the overall employer mandate would be 
delayed, Professor Friedman raised the question whether any of the pending 
business challenges to the contraception-coverage mandate might be dismissed on 
ripeness grounds. Since then, the Becket Fund and several commentators have 
offered a simple and straightforward argument for why the delay should have 
absolutely no effect on ripeness: The overall mandate and the contraception 
mandate are contained in different legal provisions; only those provisions 
relating to the overall mandate are covered by the delay; thus, while a large 
employer might not have to provide health coverage at all before 2015 due to 
the delay, if such an employer does provide coverage, as Hobby Lobby does, the 
burden of the contraception-coverage mandate "remains fully in force." Becket 
Fund Statement, July 3.

This reasoning, however, is in tension with Hobby Lobby's brief to the Tenth 
Circuit, which ties the burden of the contraception-coverage mandate to the 
overall requirement that large employers provide health coverage. Br. at 7-8 
("The government has allowed numerous employers and plans to avoid the 
Mandate.... 'Small employers,' employing over 34 million people, need not offer 
health insurance at all and can therefore avoid the Mandate.... But Hobby Lobby 
does not qualify for any of these measures.... As a 'large employer' with 50 or 
more employees, Hobby Lobby must offer insurance covering all mandated 
services.").
Nonetheless, there would appear to be at least two alternative (and 
overlapping) arguments that Hobby Lobby's challenge is still ripe: (1) the 
temporary delay of the large employer mandate makes it no less certain that 
that mandate ultimately will be imposed and (2) it would be unreasonable to 
expect Hobby Lobby to drop health coverage to avoid the contraception-coverage 
mandate temporarily when it will be required to provide health coverage again 
in a year. I defer to others as to the strength of those arguments, but 
initially, they strike me as more persuasive than the "different provisions" 
argument that treats the overall employer mandate as wholly irrelevant to the 
ripeness issue (if, for example, the overall mandate were repealed instead of 
just delayed, the ripeness of the burden described in Hobby Lobby's brief to 
the Tenth Circuit would almost certainly be affected).

One final ripeness note: even if a court were to conclude that Hobby Lobby's 
RFRA claims were not ripe in light of the delay, its free exercise claim, which 
relies on selective treatment and not substantial burdens, might still be ripe.
III. THE SELECTIVE-EXEMPTION CATCH-22
As many here know, for several years, a group of religious liberty scholars 
have been sending letters to state legislatures urging them to include broad 
religious exemptions in any laws recognizing same-sex marriage. Among other 
things, these letters urge legislatures to exempt from public accommodations 
laws non-profit religious organizations and small businesses whose owners have 
religious objections to providing services for same-sex weddings. By doing so, 
legislatures are told, they can help avoid "unnecessary legal conflicts" that 
will arise if such exemptions are not included.
But here's the rub: when the government does provide such selective exemptions, 
as Congress it did in the Affordable Care Act (small-business exception) and as 
HHS did in its regulations implementing the preventative care mandate 
(non-profit-religious-organization exemption), the argument is then made that 
the granting of these very exemptions creates a constitutional problem under 
the Free Exercise Clause. See Hobby Lobby Br. at 49-51 (arguing that the small 
business exemption renders the mandate not generally applicable and subject to 
strict scrutiny) and 53 (arguing that the non-profit religious organization 
exemption renders the mandate not neutral and subject to strict scrutiny).

IV. THE UNCERTAIN BREADTH OF THE SELECTIVE-EXEMPTION RULE
Because the Tenth Circuit found that Hobby Lobby was likely to prevail on its 
RFRA claim, the court did not address the merits of Hobby Lobby's 
constitutional claim. But there are several other pending cases involving 
for-profit employers, and courts that reject employers' RFRA arguments on 
substantial-burden grounds may well address the alternative constitutional 
claims. Those claims rest on the "selective-exemption rule" -- the idea 
expressed in both Smith and Lukumi that although the Free Exercise Clause does 
not require religious exemptions to be made from uniform legal obligations, 
religious exemptions may be required when the government makes available other 
exemptions to a law (thus rendering it not generally applicable and/or not 
neutral).

The breadth of the selective-exemption rule post-Lukumi remains the subject of 
considerable confusion. Several of the district courts that have reached the 
issue in the contraceptive-coverage mandate context have taken a very narrow 
view of the selective-exemption rule, finding that it is not triggered unless 
the existing exemptions are so prevalent that the objecting religious entities 
are virtually the only entities burdened by the law. Other courts and 
commentators narrowly interpret the rule by concluding that it is only 
triggered when a law allows for individualized exemptions, and not when 
categorical exemptions are written into a law. By contrast, a group of 24 
constitutional law professors filed an amicus brief last year in the Ninth 
Circuit arguing for a very broad view of the selective-exemption rule under 
which strict scrutiny would be triggered whenever a law contains a single 
categorical secular exemption that undermines the state's interest in the law, 
even if that single secular exemption is adopted under circumstances that do 
not suggest discriminatory intent toward religion. Con Law Prof Brief in 
Stormans v. Selecky, available at 
http://www.becketfund.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/02/Constitutional-Law-Scholars-Brief.pdf.
I've got a new piece out arguing that neither the very narrow view nor the very 
broad view of the selective-exemption rule is the best reading of the Supreme 
Court's post-Smith free exercise jurisprudence. "Lukumi at Twenty," 
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2216207. I discuss the 
Stormans case and the constitutional law professors' amicus brief at length 
(Part II.D.), and the ACA cases more briefly (notes 106-110 & accompanying text 
and note 193), and I propose a middle-ground version of the selective-exemption 
rule that -- consistent with the Court's "equal protection" approach to free 
exercise in Smith -- is designed to guard against the risk of intentional 
discrimination. Under this version of the rule, heightened scrutiny could be 
triggered when laws contain categorical secular exemptions, but only when those 
secular exemptions were adopted under circumstances that suggest discriminatory 
intent (e.g., when similarly situated secular and religious exemptions were 
both considered by a legislature, but only the former were written into a law).

In the end, the variety of different interpretations of the selective-exemption 
rule reflect the fact that the Court's post-Smith jurisprudence remains far 
from clear on the topic. As I say in my piece, "while Lukumi contained its fair 
share of tea leaves, it ultimately provided no definitive guidance as to how 
courts should approach laws that do no operate as invidious gerrymanders, but 
do contain some selective categorical exemptions."

It will be interesting to see how the Ninth Circuit reads those tea leaves in 
Stormans and how other circuits eventually read them in the ACA 
contraceptive-coverage cases. In one context or another, it seems inevitable 
that the issue will ultimately make its way to the Supreme Court.

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