Doug-- the floor debate on RLPA?   It was never passed.     And I don't know 
what you mean by "both sides agreed."  Many members "agreed"
that it was a bad bill, which is why it didn't pass.  Bobby Scott was adamantly 
opposed from day one, and raised every argument available to halt it,
and succeeded.   This is the worst of post-enactment legislative history. 


But I at least respect your argument for not trying to argue that RFRA when 
enacted was obviously intended to cover for-profit organizations.
You need RLPA's legislative history to make the argument.  No doubt about it.   
If the conservative Justices abandon their disdain
for legislative history, not to mention, post-enactment legislative history in 
Hobby Lobby, it will be remarkable.




Marci   


Marci A. Hamilton
Paul R. Verkuil Chair in Public Law
Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law
Yeshiva University
55 Fifth Avenue
New York, NY 10003 
(212) 790-0215 
http://sol-reform.com

    



-----Original Message-----
From: Douglas Laycock <dlayc...@virginia.edu>
To: 'Law & Religion issues for Law Academics' <religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu>
Sent: Thu, Feb 20, 2014 2:11 pm
Subject: RE: recommended Hobby Lobby posts



I assume that Marci wasn’t there for the floor debate. There were many 
statements, they were very explicit, both sides agreed. Corporations would be 
covered based on the religious views of their owners or senior management. What 
takes a tortured reading is not to take those statements at face value.
 

Douglas Laycock
Robert E. Scott Distinguished Professor of Law
University of Virginia Law School
580 Massie Road
Charlottesville, VA  22903
     434-243-8546

 

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Marci Hamilton
Sent: Thursday, February 20, 2014 1:49 PM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Cc: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: recommended Hobby Lobby posts

 

As someone who was involved in RLPA in Congress from day one through many 
hearings, only a tortured reading of history supports the notion that Congress 
believed that its proponents believed RFRA should apply to for-profit 
organizations let alone that they intended it to. 

 

 Given current deadlines I cannot add more , but I look forward to reading 
Jim's piece and will be doing something of my own closer to the argument.

 

Marci

 

 


Marci A. Hamilton

Verkuil Chair in Public Law

Benjamin N. Cardozo Law School

Yeshiva University

@Marci_Hamilton 

 

 



On Feb 20, 2014, at 12:34 PM, James Oleske <jole...@lclark.edu> wrote:



I have a short essay coming out next month that offers a considerably different 
take than Doug on both the legislative history of RLPA and the text of the 1999 
version of RLPA as compared to RFRA. A draft of the essay is available here:

Obamacare, RFRA, and the Perils of Legislative History
http://ssrn.com/abstract=2398763


 

The relevant discussion can be found on pages 5-10 of the draft. My bottom-line 
conclusion is that "the 1998 and 1999 debates over RLPA fall far short of 
demonstrating an 'undisputed public understanding that the language in RFRA 
protected for-profit corporations and their owners.'" 

On the specific claim that the text of RFRA and RLPA were identical, I make the 
same point I see Marty has made in his separate response to Doug -- the 1999 
RLPA has a "broad construction" provision that was in neither the 1998 RLPA or 
RFRA. Thus, the more relevant RLPA legislative history is the 1998 debate, not 
the 1999 debate Doug relies upon in the CLS amicus brief and his SCOTUS Blog 
post. And the 1998 testimony casts considerable doubt on the claim that large 
for-profit businesses are protected by RFRA.  

 

On a different note, I want to second Marty's recommendation of the symposium 
over at SCOTUS Blog. Specifically, I highly recommend folks take a look at Chip 
and Bob's piece, which makes an important argument calling for symmetry between 
the treatment of employee accommodations under Title VII and employer 
accommodations under RFRA (in both cases this avoids establishment concerns 
raised by exemptions that impose more than de minimis burdens on others). Chip 
and Bob's piece is available here: 
http://www.scotusblog.com/2014/02/symposium-religious-questions-and-saving-constructions/


- Jim

 

On Thu, Feb 20, 2014 at 7:30 AM, Douglas Laycock <dlayc...@virginia.edu> wrote:


I have not gone back to review all the RLPA testimony, but yes we did predict 
that large commercial businesses seeking religious exemptions from civil rights 
laws would generally lose.
 
The context of that testimony was civil rights claims. And it was a prediction 
of what the courts would do in fact, not a judgment about what they should do. 
But I would probably be comfortable with most of the results we predicted.
 
The kinds of civil rights claims RLPA’s supporters wanted to preserve mostly 
did not arise in business situations. Religious discrimination by religious 
organizations setting their criteria for membership, as in CLS v. Martinez, is 
rarely a legitimate business interest. Sex and marital-status discrimination in 
the ordination of a celibate male clergy is not a business interest. 
 
The existing examples at the time were the landlord-tenant cases, all of which 
involved small landlords. People could envision issues with kosher butchers and 
Christian bookstores, and with the broad reach of some state civil rights laws. 
Some state laws prohibit discrimination on the basis of “any lawful off-the-job 
activity.” Think the church secretary moonlighting in an abortion clinic, or a 
strip club, or any other business that is lawful but disreputable in the view 
of some. 
Same-sex marriage was on the far horizon; I don’t recall anyone thinking about 
wedding photographers and the like. 
 
I believed that as the business grows, it becomes less plausible to view it as 
a personal extension of the owner. Mrs. Smith with two duplexes may feel 
morally responsible for every unit, and she may be doing all the work of 
leasing and maintenance herself. A landlord with multiple apartment complexes 
is less likely to feel that moral responsibility, and less likely to persuade a 
court that he does. He certainly does not have to become personally involved 
with what he considers the immoral use of his property by particular tenants. 
And as the business grows, the government’s interest grows.
 
I did not envision at the time, and I don’t know that anyone else did, a case 
like Hobby Lobby. Here the business is large, but it is closely held by 
devoutly religious and religiously unanimous owners. The government is 
demanding a decision that must be made at the level of senior management for 
the entire corporation; in 1998 and 99, people were thinking about issues posed 
by one customer somewhere, to be dealt with by a rank-and-file employee where 
it arose. And the owners and senior management understand the decision the 
government wants to be profoundly evil – to require that they cause their 
corporation to pay for, contract for, arrange for, and provide to their 
employees and present as normal the option of killing innocent human beings. 
That’s not my view of emergency contraception and IUDs, but it is theirs.
 
I would not want a decision in Hobby Lobby limited to those facts, and I’m not 
sure where I would draw the line. But no one in 1998 and 1999 was thinking 
about, or predicting judicial reaction to, a case like this.
 
Douglas Laycock
Robert E. Scott Distinguished Professor of Law
University of Virginia Law School
580 Massie Road
Charlottesville, VA  22903
     434-243-8546
 
From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Marty Lederman
Sent: Wednesday, February 19, 2014 10:33 PM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: recommended Hobby Lobby posts
 


I have some further posts up on Balkinization.  More importantly, both Chip 
Lupu/Bob Tuttle and Doug Laycock have excellent posts up as part of the 
SCOTUSblog symposium, which I commend to all of you:

Chip/Bob:  
http://www.scotusblog.com/2014/02/symposium-religious-questions-and-saving-constructions/

Doug:  
http://www.scotusblog.com/2014/02/symposium-congress-answered-this-question-corporations-are-covered/

I have questions/reactions to a couple of things in Doug's post:

First, Doug argues that many or all members of Congress during the RLPA debate 
assumed that the bill, which at the time was similar (but not identical) to 
RFRA, would at least allow for-profit corporations or their directors/owners to 
bring claims.  But as I recall, Doug and others also reassured members of 
Congress, in public testimony, that large for-profit companies would always or 
almost always lose under RLPA.  Doug, do you think this is one of the rare or 
exceptional cases where the large for-profit plaintiffs should win, and, if so, 
why is this the outlier?

Second, Doug writes that "If these plaintiffs will not pay for what they 
believe to be such an extraordinary wrong, then in the government’s view, they 
are barred from owning any business with more than fifty employees."  But it is 
simply not true that the consequence of excluding contraception from the plan 
would be that the plaintiffs are "barred from owning any business with more 
than fifty employees."  Even if the company had fewer than 50 employees, its 
plan would still have to include contraception.  If any employer, with fewer or 
more than fifty employees, does not wish to include all required services in an 
employee benefit plan, it has two choices:  either be subject to prohibitive 
payments (in effect fines) or get rid of their employee plan (in which case 
most of their employees would be eligible for a subsidized plan on an 
exchange).  A more accurate way of stating the law would be:  "If these 
plaintiffs, or any other employers, do not include coverage in their companies' 
plans for what they believe to be such an extraordinary wrong, then they will 
have little choice but to drop their plans."

Also, another small thing related to that sentence:  The individual plaintiffs, 
at least in Hobby Lobby, would not "pay for" contraception -- indeed, they are 
not even shareholders -- and their brief makes it clear, I think, that payment 
is not the gravamen of their complaint.  See 
http://balkin.blogspot.com/2014/02/hobby-lobby-part-viii-hobby-lobbys.html


 




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