Musharraf, Out of Tricks <http://www.chroniclesmagazine.org/?p=711>

by Srdja Trifkovic
 
http://www.chroniclesmagazine.org/?p=711

Parties comprising Pakistan's ruling coalition continue to be deeply 
divided in the aftermath of former president Pervez Musharraf's sudden 
resignation last Monday. The late Benazir Bhutto's Pakistan People's 
Party (PPP) and ex-prime minister Nawaz Sharif's Pakistan Muslim 
League-N (PML-N), which lead the coalition, were able to agree on 
impeachment charges that forced Musharraf out of office. They appear 
unable to agree on much else, and notably on the key issue of 
reinstating dozens of judges sacked by Musharraf last year, as Islamic 
insurgency in the tribal areas and the collapse of Karachi's Stock 
Exchange continue unabated.

Musharraf's resignation was long overdue, and Western editorialists 
lamenting his departure are mistaken to assert that the devil we knew 
was preferable to the ensuing power struggle. He has epitomized the 
ability of a number of autocrats in the Islamic world to present 
themselves to the United States as friends and allies, while at the same 
time conducting policies and pursuing domestic strategies deeply 
detrimental to Western interests.

Particularly galling was Musharraf's ambivalent role in the "war on 
terrorism": His ability to run with the hare and hunt with the hounds 
has been an affront to all enemies of jihad for years. The myth of 
Pakistan as a staunch ally of the United States finally may be laid to rest.

Musharraf's chronic failure to create a modicum of stability at home was 
due to the illegitimate nature of his regime. The military coup that 
brought him to power in 1999 was initially welcomed by many Pakistanis 
after the chaos and corruption of Nawaz Sharif's government. But after 
he appointed himself President in 2001, after he resorted to legal 
alchemy with a provisional constitutional order retroactively 
legitimizing the coup, and especially after he stage-managed a farcical 
referendum in April 2002 to extend his "mandate" for a further five 
years, Musharraf came to be universally loathed as an usurper.

In the years that followed, Musharraf did next to nothing to lower 
tensions along the ever-volatile border with India. It could hardly be 
otherwise: as Chief of Army Staff, Musharraf bypassed the civilian 
authority to launch a mini-war on India in the Kargil 
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kargil_Conflict> district of Kashmir in 
May 1999.

His record in Afghanistan was even worse. As we've pointed out recently 
<http://www.chroniclesmagazine.org/?p=624>, every successful insurgency 
in Afghanistan since 1979 enjoyed safe haven in Pakistan—and the current 
insurgency, which killed ten French paratroopers and wounded dozens 
others on Tuesday 
<http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/story/0,25197,24214004-26040,00.html>, 
is no different. In addition to the Taliban, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar 
<http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/2701547.stm>'s Hezb-i-Islami, al 
Qaeda, and a myriad of local, tribally-based groups have also found 
support in Pakistan's centrally administered Tribal Areas 
<http://www.cfr.org/publication/11973> and in its North West Frontier 
<http://www.longwarjournal.org/archives/2006/09/the_fall_of_wazirist.php> 
and Balochistan 
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Balochistan_%28Pakistan%29> Provinces. 
Weapons, ammunitions and supplies continue to be shipped from this 
region into Afghanistan. Afghan refugee camps based in those three areas 
are used to recruit fighters and suicide bombers who target the U.S. and 
allied forces across the border. Pakistani sources continue to tip off 
the Taliban about the movement and intentions of those forces and their 
local Afghan protégés. This has enabled the insurgent groups in 
Afghanistan to flourish, according to a recent RAND 
<http://www.rand.org/news/press/2008/06/09> report: "Solving this 
problem will require a difficult diplomatic feat: convincing Pakistan's 
government to undermine the sanctuary on its soil. If we look at the 
growing list of terrorist attacks and foiled plots in North America and 
Western Europe, it is evident that plots stemming from the 
Afghanistan-Pakistan border region are the single most important threat 
to Western security."

At home, Musharraf has backtracked on the oft-repeated promise to 
control the Islamic schools that are grooming new terrorists. Pakistan 
thus remains the epicenter of global jihad, a breeding ground for the 
new echelons of "martyrs," and it meets the criteria for a slot on the 
Axis of Evil. In fact, Pakistan is an enormous Jihadi campus in which 
some ten thousand madrassas prepare over one million students for the 
Holy War. When pressed, Musharraf would announce the closure of some of 
the schools where "the eggs of the snake of terrorism are incubated," 
only to let them re-open later. It can hardly be otherwise in a country 
founded on the pillars of Islamic orthodoxy.

Pakistan under Musharraf was the worst violator of the ban on nuclear 
proliferation, thanks to the work of  Abdul Qadeer Khan, the architect 
of Pakistan's nuclear program. In 2003 Khan made his "confession" and 
claimed that he had acted "without authorization" from Musharraf. His 
claims were at odds with Musharraf's point blank refusal to hand any 
documents to the UN's Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) or allow its 
investigators into Pakistan. As it happens, Khan is an advocate of 
Muslim solidarity, eager to defy the West and pierce "clouds of the 
so-called secrecy." He felt that giving nuclear technology to a Muslim 
country was not a crime.

The sentiment is shared by Pakistan's elite, military as well as 
civilian, as befits the first modern state to be established on openly 
Islamic principles. It still suffers from many defects derived from its 
origins. This social structure predicated upon the supposed superiority 
of Islamic imperialism (ashraf) suggests that Islam is the cause, or at 
least a major aggravating feature in the array of Pakistan's problems.

For as long as the country's Islamic character is explicitly upheld by 
Musharraf's successors, such as Nawaz Sharif, Pakistan cannot evolve 
into a functioning democracy or an efficient economy without undermining 
the religious rationale for its very existence. Without Musharraf's 
duplicitous show in Rawalpindi, it is to be hoped that there will be 
fewer illusions in Washington about the nature of Pakistan's 
problems—and about the problem of Pakistan for the rest of the world.



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