http://www.tompaine.com/feature2.cfm/ID/8789

Cheney's Cover-Up

John Dean is the former White House counsel for President Richard 
Nixon and author of The Rehnquist Choice: The Untold Story of the 
Nixon Appointment that Redefined the Supreme Court (Free Press, 2001).

This commentary was originally published by FindLaw.com on Aug. 29, 
2003, and is reprinted with permission.

This month, the General Accounting Office (GAO) -- the investigative 
and auditing arm of Congress -- issued a report that contains some 
startling revelations. Though they are couched in very polite 
language, they are bombshells nonetheless.

The report -- entitled "Energy Task Force: Process Used to Develop 
the National Energy Policy" -- and its accompanying Chronology 
strongly imply that the administration has, in effect, been paying 
off its heavy-hitting energy industry contributors. It also very 
strongly implies that Vice President Dick Cheney lied to Congress.

The Background: How Cheney Stonewalled GAO

In a sense, this story begins during the close 2000 Presidential 
election, when energy industry special interests were big-dollar 
contributors to the Bush-Cheney campaign. (In 2004's re-election 
campaign, they will doubtless be called upon once again.)

After he was elected -- and very much beholden to those contributors 
-- Bush put Cheney in charge of developing the National Energy 
Policy. To do so, Cheney convened an Energy Task Force.

Cheney's selection alone was ominous: He had headed Halliburton, just 
the kind of big-dollar Republican energy industry contributor that 
had helped Bush-Cheney win the election in the first place.

The Energy Task Force might have operated in absolute secrecy, were 
it not for GAO. GAO is a nonpartisan agency with statutory authority 
to investigate "all matters related to the receipt, disbursement, and 
use of public money," so that it can judge the expenditures and 
effectiveness of public programs, and report to Congress on what it 
finds.

To fulfill its statutory responsibility, GAO sought documents from 
Vice-President Cheney relating to Energy Task Force expenditures. But 
in a literally unprecedented move, the White House said no.

Amazingly, it did so without even bothering to claim that the 
documents sought were covered by executive privilege. It simply 
refused.

On August 2, 2001, Vice President Cheney sent a letter -- personally 
signed by him -- to Congress demanding, in essence, that it get the 
Comptroller off his back. In the letter, he claimed that his staff 
had already provided "documents responsive to the Comptroller 
General's inquiry concerning the costs associated with the [Energy 
task force's] work." As I will explain later, this turned out to be a 
lie.

In the end, GAO had to go to court to try to get the documents to 
which it plainly was entitled. On December 9, 2002, GAO lost in 
court, though the decision was incorrect.

Then, on February 9, 2003, the Comptroller General announced GAO's 
decision not to appeal. He said he feared that another adverse 
decision would cause the agency to lose even more power, more 
permanently. Several news accounts suggest that it was the Republican 
leadership of Congress that stopped the appeal.

This August's Report Reveals Cheney Lied About Providing Responsive Documents

Then this August's Report was issued. It was not the thorough, 
comprehensive Report GAO wanted it to be. (Indeed, GAO's Comptroller 
General has stressed that "the Vice President's persistent denial of 
access to" records "precluded GAO from fully achieving our objectives 
and substantially limited our analysis.") But it is enough to shock, 
and disturb, the reader.

The Report shows that Cheney's claim to Congress, in the August 2, 
2001 letter, that responsive documents were provided to GAO, was 
plainly false.

According to the Report, Cheney provided GAO with 77 pages of 
"documents retrieved from the files of the Office of the Vice 
President responsive to" GAO's inquiry regarding the Energy Task 
Force's "receipt, disbursement, and use of public funds."

To any lawyer, a mere 77-page document production seems suspiciously 
slim -- especially when it is meant to represent information from a 
group of people on a fairly broad topic. Surely there were more 
documents that were not turned over.

Moreover, it turned out, as the Report reveals, that the documents 
that were turned over were useless: "The materials were virtually 
impossible to analyze, as they consisted, for example, of pages with 
dollar amounts but no indication of the nature or purpose of the 
expenditure." They were further described as "predominantly 
reimbursement requests, assorted telephone bills and random items, 
such as the executive director's credit card receipt for pizza."

In sum, the incomplete document production was not only nonresponsive 
-- it was insulting. So the GAO pressed for responsive documents 
numerous times in different ways: letters, telephone exchanges and 
meetings.

Perhaps the most pointed of these was a July 18, 2001 letter from the 
Comptroller to the Vice President. It noted that GAO had "been given 
77 pages of miscellaneous records purporting to relate to these 
direct and indirect costs. Because the relevance of these records is 
unclear, we continue to request all records responsive to our 
request, including any records that clarify the nature and purpose of 
the costs." (Emphasis added.)

Cheney's False Statement About the Responsive Documents Was Plainly Intentional

Despite receiving this letter, Cheney still claimed to Congress, a 
few weeks later, on August 2, that responsive documents had been 
produced.

Of course, Cheney is a busy man. Yet there can be no question as to 
whether he was aware of the July 18, 2001 letter from the Comptroller 
complaining about the 77 pages of documents' being unresponsive: He 
even attached it to his own August 2 letter to Congress, as part of a 
chronology. And again, he personally signed that August 2 letter.

Nor can there be any question that Cheney knows what it means to 
produce responsive documents -- and not to do so. In the same 
paragraph of the August 2 letter in which he claims he was responsive 
to the Energy Task Force request, he makes a lesser claim with 
respect to another GAO request -- stating that there, he had merely 
"provided substantial responses." (Emphasis added.)

Plainly, Cheney knows the difference between being responsive; 
offering a substantial response; and sending insulting non-responsive 
materials, featuring unexplained phone bills, columns of unidentified 
figures, and a pizza receipt.

Thus, Cheney's claim to have produced responsive documents was a 
false statement and, all evidence suggests, an intentional one. That 
means it is also a criminal offense -- a false statement to Congress.

GAO's Polite Tone Belies The Shocking Evidence Its Report Offers

The straight arrows at GAO were no doubt horrified that the Vice 
President of the United States, who is the Constitutional presiding 
officer of the U.S. Senate, would deliberately mislead the Congress 
with such blatant misinformation.

Being nonpartisan, they refrained from accusing the Vice President of 
this crime. But as their Report shows, they included evidence that 
makes the crime evident for all to see. They also provided evidence 
of what the motive for the crime was.

The Report quietly -- but tellingly -- notes that the Vice 
President's team "solicited input from, or received information and 
advice from nonfederal energy stakeholders, principally petroleum, 
coal, nuclear, natural gas, and electricity industry representatives 
and lobbyists." (Emphasis added.)

In other words, if the Vice President is not trying to cover up the 
fact that he met with big energy interests -- including past 
contributors -- and allowed them a large role in settling our 
nation's energy policy, why all the secrecy? That is what other 
observers have suspected -- and what has been rumored from the 
beginning. Thanks to Cheney's obfuscation, we still can't know for 
certain. Yet thanks to GAO, we do now know for certain that he lied 
to Congress to cover up something, and there is little doubt in my 
mind as to what he is hiding.


Published: Sep 05 2003


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