http://www.corpwatch.org/issues/PID.jsp?articleid=6288
CorpWatch.org

Cheney, Halliburton and the Spoils of War

By Lee Drutman and Charlie Cray
Citizen Works
http://www.citizenworks.org/index.php

April 4, 2003

When Defense Policy Board chairman Richard Perle revealed that he was 
getting $725,000 to help Global Crossing navigate the national 
security issues surrounding the sale of its assets, the press jumped 
all over Perle, and rightly so. There was indeed something fishy 
about a top Pentagon advisor making that kind of money to help a 
company that was having problems with national security issues. Perle 
is also on the board of Onset Technology, the leading provider of 
message conversion technology and a major supplier to Bechtel - one 
of the leading candidates for rebuilding Iraqi infrastructure.

As the Center for Public Integrity has documented, this kind of thing 
is not unusual. At least nine of the 30 members of the Defense Policy 
Board have ties to corporations that have won more than $76 billion 
in defense contracts in 2001 and 2002. As more and more wartime 
contracts are announced, more and more conflicts of interest are 
coming to light. After all, the Bush administration is riddled with 
ties to the weapons, engineering, construction, and oil companies 
that have the most to profit from in the Iraq war.

Cheney's Conflict of Interest

However, of all the administration members with potential conflicts 
of interest, none seems more troubling than Vice President Dick 
Cheney. Cheney is former CEO of Halliburton, an oil-services company 
that also provides construction and military support services - a 
triple-header of wartime spoils.

A few weeks ago, the U.S. Army Corp of Engineers awarded a no-bid 
contract to extinguish oil well fires in Iraq to Kellogg Brown and 
Root (KBR), a subsidiary of Halliburton. The contract was granted 
under a January Bush administration waiver that, according to the 
Washington Post, allowed "government agencies to handpick companies 
for Iraqi reconstruction projects."

The contract, which was not announced until more than two weeks after 
it was awarded, was open-ended, with no time limits and no dollar 
limits. It was also a "cost-plus" contract, meaning that the company 
is guaranteed to recover costs and then make a guaranteed profit on 
top of that. Its value is estimated at tens of millions of dollars.

This is not the first buck that Cheney's former company has made off 
military conflict and likely won't be the last. KBR currently has 
thousands of military support personnel on the ground in Kuwait and 
Turkey as part of a multi-year contract worth close to a billion 
dollars. The engineering subsidiary was also one of a select few 
firms invited to bid on an initial $900 million USAID contract for 
rebuilding post-war Iraq. Though it didn't get that job, Halliburton 
says it is still in the running for subcontracts and there will 
likely be plenty more opportunities. The American Academy of Sciences 
estimates the rebuilding Iraq will cost between $30 and $105 billion 
dollars. At a recent investor conference call, Halliburton reported a 
30% increase in year-over-year revenues, to $1.6 billion, for KBR.

The Revolving Door Between Big Business and Government

Cheney, who served as CEO from 1995 to 2000, continues to receive as 
much as $1 million a year in deferred compensation as Halliburton 
executives enjoy a seat at the table during Administration 
discussions over how to handle post-war oil production in Iraq.

The Cheney-Halliburton story is the classic military-industrial 
revolving door tale. As Secretary of Defense under Bush I, Cheney 
paid Brown and Root services (now Kellogg Brown and Root) $3.9 
million to report on how private companies could help the U.S. Army 
as Cheney cut hundreds of thousands of Army jobs. Then Brown and Root 
won a five-year contract to provide logistics for the U.S. Army Corp 
of Engineers all over the globe. In 1995, Cheney became CEO and 
Halliburton jumped from 73rd to 18th on the Pentagon's list of top 
contractors, benefiting from at least $3.8 billion in federal 
contracts and taxpayer-insured loans, according to the Center for 
Public Integrity.

Halliburton's Dubious Track Record

But the Halliburton story is more than just a simple revolving door 
tale. Even without the Cheney conflicts of interest, serious doubts 
remain about whether a company with a record like Halliburton's 
should even be eligible to receive government contracts in the first 
place. This, after all, is a company that has been accused of cost 
overruns, tax avoidance, and cooking the books and has a history of 
doing business in countries like Iraq, Iran and Libya.

Cost overruns: In September 2000, the General Accounting Office (GAO) 
found that the U.S. Army had not taken appropriate steps to limit the 
$2.2 billion costs Kellogg Brown and Root charged for logistical and 
engineering support in the Balkans. According to the report, Army 
officials "frequently have simply accepted the level of services the 
contractor provided without questioning whether they could be 
provided more efficiently or less frequently at lower cost."

Questionable Accounting: The SEC recently formalized an investigation 
into whether Halliburton artificially inflated revenue by $234 
million over four years. Halliburton switched to a more aggressive 
accounting method in 1998 under Cheney.

Access to Evil -- Business Dealings in Iraq, Iran, and Libya: News 
reports suggest that Pentagon is currently using the Iran-Libya 
Sanctions Act (ILSA) to draw up a blacklist of non-US companies that 
have done business in Iran. Yet, Halliburton has conducted Business 
in Iran through subsidiaries. When Cheney was CEO of Halliburton, he 
inquired about an ILSA waiver to pursue oil field developments in 
Iran. In 1997, Halliburton subsidiary Halliburton Energy Services 
paid $15,000 to settle Department of Commerce allegations that the 
company had broken anti-boycott provisions of the U.S. Export 
Administration Act for an Iran-related transaction. Halliburton 
recently agreed to evaluate its operations in Iran, after the 
Securities and Exchange Commission rebuffed the company's request to 
dismiss a New York City police and fire pension funds shareholder 
proposal for the company to examine its role in Iran.

Also forgotten is that story about how Cheney's Halliburton did 
business with Saddam. According to the Washington Post, "Halliburton 
held stakes in two firms that signed contracts to sell more than $73 
million in oil production equipment and spare parts to Iraq while 
Cheney was chairman and chief executive officer."

Halliburton has also done business in Azerbaijan, Burma, Indonesia, 
Libya and Nigeria. As Dick Cheney once said, "The good Lord didn't 
see fit to put oil and gas only where there are democratic regimes 
friendly to the United States."

Tax Havens: Under Cheney's tenure, the number of Halliburton 
subsidiaries in offshore tax havens increased from 9 to 44. 
Meanwhile, Halliburton went from paying $302 million in company taxes 
in 1998 to getting an $85 million tax refund in 1999.

All told, the IRS loses about $70 billion a year in offshore tax 
sheltering by corporations and wealthy individuals - almost enough to 
cover the $75 billion Bush has asked for to cover the first six 
months of war.

What to Do About Crony Capitalism?

The Halliburton story is part of a larger dynamic that should not be 
forgotten in a debate over contractor responsibility. While the 
Halliburton contracts reek of blatant cronyism, almost all the major 
firms that provide this kind of work are tied to the administration.

Somebody has to do the job. However, the level of secrecy surrounding 
the contracts that have been given out so far is troubling, and 
symptomatic of a bigger problem - the very legitimacy of a 
reconstruction process controlled by the U.S. military and their 
corporate contractors. Although the United States has the obligation 
to pay for the costs of reconstructing Iraq, only the United Nations 
is the proper body to provide governance and help rebuild a new 
government, civil society and physical infrastructure if the current 
regime is overthrown, not the White House, the Pentagon and their 
corporate cronies.

Note: In honor of Big Business Day 2003, Citizen Works presented Dick 
Cheney the "Daddy Warbucks" Award for eminence in corporate war 
profiteering on Friday, April 4.

Check out Citizen Works' DC Corporate War Map.
http://www.citizenworks.org/corp/warmongers.php

Lee Drutman is the Communications Director and Charlie Cray is the 
Corporate Reform Campaigner at Citizen Works in Washington DC.



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