Saudi Arabia is shooting itself in the foot by executing Shiite cleric
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Nile Bowie is a political analyst and photographer currently residing in
Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. He can be reached on Twitter
<https://twitter.com/NileBowie> or at nilebo...@gmail.com
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 Published time: October 29, 2014 14:45
[image: A Shi'ite protester carries a poster of Sheikh Nimr al-Nimr during
a demonstration outside the Saudi embassy in Sanaa October 18, 2014.
(Reuters/Khaled Abdullah)]

A Shi'ite protester carries a poster of Sheikh Nimr al-Nimr during a
demonstration outside the Saudi embassy in Sanaa October 18, 2014.
(Reuters/Khaled Abdullah)

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<http://rt.com/tags/nato/>, Politics <http://rt.com/tags/politics/>, Protest
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The House of Saud’s plans to execute a revered Shiite cleric and protest
leader reveal the extent to which the regime is vulnerable and desperate to
perpetuate itself. Going ahead with the execution would be strategic
miscalculation.

Significant political developments have unfolded in Saudi Arabia in recent
weeks following a court decision to execute Sheikh Nimr Baqir al-Nimr, a
polarizing Shiite cleric and political activist who has campaigned for
civil equality, an inclusive socio-political system, women’s rights,
minority rights, and the release of political prisoners. Prosecutors
condemned the cleric to death by beheading as punishment for charges of
sedition, though the execution date has not yet been set.

Sheikh Nimr has been the fiercest critic of the Kingdom’s absolute Sunni
monarchy for the last decade, but gained a considerable public following
after leading a series of protests in 2011 in opposition to the Saudi
military’s violent intervention and suppression of the pro-democracy
movement in neighboring Bahrain, a satellite state with a Shiite majority
ruled by a heavy-handed Sunni dynasty. His sermons and political activism
continually emphasized non-violent resistance.

The Kingdom’s decision to sentence Nimr to death has complex implications
that will push sectarian tensions to fever pitch inside Saudi Arabia and
throughout the region, dangerously sharpening tension with Iran. Prominent
clerics in Iran and Bahrain, as well as Shiite militant groups such as
Hezbollah of Lebanon and the Houthi movement of Yemen, have all condemned
the verdict and warned the Kingdom not to proceed with the execution.

These developments are a symptom of the greater Sunni-Shiite sectarian
conflict raging throughout Iraq, Syria and other hotspots across the
region, representing the most poignant challenge facing the Muslim world in
contemporary times. Western governments and corporations have aided and
abetted Saudi Arabia and other wildly repressive theocratic monarchies,
which have been given carte blanche to shape and spread radical Sunni
Islam. The United States has long tolerated the House of Saud exporting
fanatic sectarianism throughout the Islamic world in the interest of
furthering its own strategic foreign policy objectives.

Saudi Arabia, a key financier of jihadist groups fighting in Syria and
Iraq, has used its vast oil wealth to promote the ideology of
ultra-conservative Wahhabism in missionaries throughout the Muslim world
over the past three decades. It has sought to promote a puritanical and
rigidly exclusionist Islam that declares non-Muslims – and Muslims of
minority sects – as infidels. The Kingdom is governed by a feudalistic,
decadent monarchy bent on entrenching its own power and the uncontested
legitimacy of the King as the de facto leader of Sunni Islam.

The rise of the Islamic State organization is the result of reckless
Western and Gulf policies that have destabilized both Iraq and Syria.
Because this group and their fellow travelers do not recognize the
legitimacy of the House of Saud, the Kingdom has constructed a massive
fence around its borders, in addition to taking measures to prevent
domestic sympathizers from becoming politically active inside the country.
Saudi Arabia has recently agreed to an American request that the Kingdom
provide a base to train so-called “moderate” Syrian rebel fighters, in the
name of fighting extremism.

[image: Shi'ite protesters shout slogans as they hold posters of Sheikh
Nimr al-Nimr during a demonstration outside the Saudi embassy in Sanaa
October 18, 2014. (Reuters/Khaled Abdullah)]

Shi'ite protesters shout slogans as they hold posters of Sheikh Nimr
al-Nimr during a demonstration outside the Saudi embassy in Sanaa October
18, 2014. (Reuters/Khaled Abdullah)

The execution of Sheikh Nimr, a revered Shiite religious scholar, will be
widely read by fanatic Sunni militia groups as a Saudi endorsement of their
campaign of sectarian cleansing and bloodletting of Shiites and minorities
in Iraq and Syria, in the interest of crushing any political opposition to
radical Wahhabism. The notion that a country so demonstrably sectarian and
extremist can be entrusted with the task of training “moderates” is
appalling.

The House of Saud has promoted the unsubstantiated narrative that Iran is
actively plotting to undermine Sunni Islam, characterizing the country’s
Shiite minority as co-conspirators. The two million strong Shiite
minorities – who represent some 10 to 15 percent of the population – live
in the oil-rich eastern province that is strategically vital to the Saudi
economy. This blatant manipulation of the sectarianism is aimed at dividing
the citizens of Saudi Arabia from forming a unified opposition to the
monarchy.

Sheikh Nimr was shot four times by police and arrested in February 2012,
fueling protests throughout the eastern province, mainly in Qatif and
Awamiyah, but also wider unrest in Sunni areas such as Hejaz, Mecca, and
the capital, Riyadh. Open dissent is rare in the Kingdom, but it is
becoming increasingly common with the rise of the internet. More than half
the country is under 18-years-old, while the heirs to the throne are
rapidly ageing.

Open-minded sections of society are beginning to come to the realization
that Saudi Arabia is a brutally theocratic, opulent gerontocracy utterly
dependent on energy exports and Western patronage. The rise of the Islamic
State group, whose leadership claims to represent all Muslims, has created
a situation where Riyadh must demonstrate its Islamic credentials through
its uncompromising implementation of Sharia law, which has led to a recent
surge of executions by beheading.

Riyadh’s calculation is that executing Sheikh Nimr will help increase
support for the monarchy from a society with strong anti-Shiite leanings.
It will also polarize the Shiite minority and young cosmopolitan Sunnis,
leading to wider unrest and more open displays of dissent against the
monarchy. In death, the Saudis would immortalize Sheikh Nimr as a symbol of
opposition, thereby shooting themselves in the foot. It would be a major
strategic blunder for the House of Saud to give its opponents a martyr.

The Saudi ruling family feels increasingly vulnerable from both internal
and external threats, and the pervasive stoking of sectarian tension and
anti-Shiite sentiment are an attempt to deflect from other potential forms
of dissent, such as the lack of political representation and the dire
poverty that many in the Kingdom live under. Sheikh Nimr’s call for
compassion, social justice and civil equality undeniably claim the moral
high ground. The only move Riyadh can make to delegitimize this message is
to fuel irrational, unthinking sectarianism.

In any case, the silence from Washington has been deafening. The US has not
given any sign that it is opposed to Sheikh Nimr’s execution and would not
be inclined to take the side of a Shiite cleric that Riyadh accuses of
being an agent of Tehran. Washington’s missionary democracy promotion is
left at the door when dealing with Saudi Arabia, which is far too strategic
and beneficial to US military and economic interests to be cut loose as a
liability. Sheikh Nimr’s only fault is opposing the wrong regime in the
wrong country. If he campaigned with the same program against a government
that the West regarded with hostility, the world would know his name.

The statements, views and opinions expressed in this column are solely
those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of RT.
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