Nobody Can Call It a "Plane Crash" Now! Judge Bruguière's Report on the Assassination of former Rwandan President Habyarimana By ROBIN PHILPOT

Counterpunch
March 12 / 14, 2004

As people around the world prepare to mark the 10th anniversary of the terrible
Rwandan tragedy triggered by the shooting down of former Rwandan President
Habyarimana's plane on April 6, 1994, the report by French anti-terrorist judge
Jean-Louis Bruguière provides cause to reconsider some accepted ideas about
those events. The 225-page report leaked to Le Monde places the entire blame for
the missile attack on President Habyarimana's plane on current Rwandan President
Paul Kagame.


That attack was surely one of the worst terrorist acts of the 1990s. Think about
it! Two African heads of state were killed--President Cyprien Ntaryamira of
Burundi was also in the plane ­, the fragile peace based on the Arusha accords
of 1993 was shattered, war resumed, and masses of people were massacred. The
perpetrators of that attack--the Rwandan Patriotic Front according to
Bruguière--knew what would happen, as did their principal backers, the United
States and the United Kingdom.


Unclassified internal Clinton Administration documents show that on that very
night, immediately after learning of President Habyarimana's death, Prudence
Bushnell of the American Embassy in Kigali presciently wrote to Secretary of
State Warren Christopher in Washington: "If, as it appears, both Presidents have
been killed, there is a strong likelihood that widespread violence could break
out in either or both countries, particularly if it is confirmed that the plane
was shot down."


A rigorous six-year investigation now finally casts light on an event that
changed the course of Rwandan--and central African--history and names names. Had
the plane not been shot down, the massacres might have been avoided.
The Bruguière report is also particularly damning for many people who have
shaped the narrative of the Rwanda tragedy since 1994. Among them, Kofi Annan,
who in 1998 commissioned an Independent Inquiry into UN Actions during the 1994
Genocide in Rwanda. In that very official report states: "At approximately
20:30, Habyarimana and President Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi were killed in a
plane crash just outside the Kigali airport." Indictment documents produced by
the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda also calls it a "plane crash".
Two surface to air missiles were shot, but the official UN story was that the
plane fell out of the sky! That probably explains why the black box disappeared
in UN offices for 10 years.


The report is also damning for Louise Arbour, recently appointed by Kofi Annan
to head the UN Human Rights Commission. In her capacity as Chief Prosecutor of
the Tribunal, Louise Arbour nixed the only UN sponsored investigation into the
assassination of the Rwandan president. When investigator Michael Hourigan
turned up evidence pointing to Kagame and the Rwandan Patriotic Front along with
testimony from RPF members who had participated in the missile attack, Louise
Arbour, though initially enthusiastic, suppressed his findings and ordered him
to go no further.
It is damning for former UN mission commander general Romeo Dallaire: first he
provides no explanation for the disappearance of the plane's cockpit voice
recorder (black box), which surfaced this week at UN headquarters. Dallaire was
in charge of the so-called Kigali weapons secure area from where the missile was
shot. Secondly, his 600-page book does not even try to explain how the former
Rwandan president was killed and who did it. Worse still, he continually refers
to the assassination as an "accident".


The report is damning for Uganda and Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni. The
missiles used to shoot down the plane were the property of the Ugandan Army.
Uganda had been bought them from the Soviet Union in 1987. Whereas the official
story would have it that the tragedy in Rwanda was an internal crisis, the
ownership of those missiles points directly to the fact that the so-called RPF
rebels were ranking members of the Ugandan army until the day they invaded
Rwanda on October 1, 1990. Paul Kagame had been Uganda's Chief of Military
Intelligence and benefited from Ugandan until he took power in July 1994.


The report is also very damning for United States, and particularly the Clinton
administration, who have supported Paul Kagame and the Rwandan Patriotic Front
unfailingly since the early 1990s. How could a country supposedly so intent on
fighting terrorism treat the assassination of two African heads of state so
lightly that it never forced the UN get to the bottom of it? After all, the
Washington has always gotten its way on Rwanda at the UN.


For instance, when it was time to act in 1994, another unclassified State
Department document dated April 15, 1994, states that for the United States the
first priority of the UN Security Council was "to instruct the Secretary general
to implement an orderly withdrawal of all/all UNAMIR forces from Rwanda." That
is exactly what the UN did, thus prompting former UN Secretary General
Boutros-Ghali to declare that "the Rwandan Genocide was 100 percent American
responsibility".


Hopefully, the 10th anniversary commemoration will be an opportunity find out
more about why so many people died in Rwanda and later in the Congo. Moral
indignation is fine. But it cannot replace hard facts. Judge Bruguière's report
has uncovered some important facts that have been carefully edited out of the
official story about in Rwanda. It deserves to be studied carefully.


Robin Philpot is a Montreal writer. His book Ça ne s'est pas passé comme ça
à Kigali (That's not what happened in Rwanda) will soon appear in English. He
can be reached at [EMAIL PROTECTED] .



Mitayo Potosi


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