In a recent article (reproduced below) attributed to Professor Ssemakula Kiwanuka 
entilted "Term limits are undemocratic," the professor espouses lofty arguments 
regarding the demerits of term limits. He argues that there cannot be a danger to 
democracy so long as the people themselves exercise the franchise. He argues further 
that free and regular elections do have an inbuilt mechanism to reject tyrannical 
leaders at the ballot box.

But those arguments presuppose an informed electorate and respect for fundamental 
human rights, among other factors.

In the so-called "mature" democracies of Western Europe that he uses to illustrate or 
support his arguments, such stuff as stuffed ballot boxes are unheard of, neither is 
the intimidation of voters using armed personnel and other gimmicks. When was the last 
time we heard a death related to elections in the so-called "mature" democracies? I do 
not recall. And when in Uganda?

"Smart" tyrannical leaders have become sophisticated at how they manoeuvre to hold 
onto power. Let the professor look in the mirror. The people rejected him in a recent 
election exercise. Yet he wields power and a big loud megaphone he is now using to 
hold onto power. What a charade!

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Term limits are not democratic 

YOUR PLATFORM: 
By Prof. Ssemakula Kiwanuka 

Since Cabinet presented amendments to the Constitution Review Commission last 
September, there is an avalanche of doom saying that a catastrophe is going to happen 
to Uganda if article 105/2 on term limits is amended to provide indefinite eligibility 
for the elections of Presidents. 

Some of these controversial proposals were not authored by the Cabinet. Cabinet was a 
conveyor belt of the recommendations of the National Executive committee (NEC) and the 
National Conference which met early in the year. 

When the NEC recommendations were presented to the National Conference comprising more 
than 3000 delegates from every corner of Uganda, the recommendations were unanimously 
adopted. 

We can therefore say that was the voice of the people as expressed in Article 1 of the 
Constitution. âAll power belongs to the people...â the essence of that article is 
that the people of Uganda are sovereign and should therefore be arbiters on issues of 
national importance such as deciding who should be their president. 

Nevertheless there is an outcry from the opposition. Weak oppositions which do not see 
themselves as a viable alternative governments of tomorrow, usually lack a sense of 
responsibility and do not criticise constructively. Otherwise they would see that the 
sovereignty of the people of Uganda is the bedrock of our democracy. 

Because the outcry is orchestrated they do not see that the amendment of Article 105/2 
is a win win for all. Mohamad Mayanja, (JEMA) as well as UPC and DP leaders can be 
presidents as long as Ugandans want them. 

There is also fright and desperation. The opposition fears President Museveniâs 
popularity with the masses. Thirdly, because they lack a credible candidate to 
successfully challenge Museveni, their strategy is to keep Museveni out of the 
contest. Yet President Museveni himself has not asked for another term. That decision 
will be, and should be left to the people of Uganda. 

Fourthly, and unlike Museveni, the opposition believes that politics is nothing more 
than the spoils of office. 

One searches but in vain for their programmes on poverty, industrialisation, 
entrepreneurship, job creation and employment, among others. 

In discussing the question of term limits, I shall preface my arguments with an 
obvious statement, namely that democracies are built and founded on two principles: 
choice and open competition. We emphasise choice because the people who are sovereign 
on all major political issues and decisions should not be denied a choice of who 
should lead them. 

The whole of Western Europe whose democracies are described as âmatureâ believe 
that the people are sovereign and they exercise that sovereignty through regular and 
fair elections of their leaders. Prime Minister Tony Blair (U.K) for example will be 
seeking a third term, should his party continue to adopt him as Labour candidate. 

Life presidency: Masters of distortion, the pro-term limit proponents have cunningly 
and falsely turned the argument and interpreted indefinite eligibility as a sanction 
to a life presidency. Hence pressure groups have been formed and are distributing 
leaflets in Churches, hospitals, etc. 

While I do not support term limits on principle and I opposed them at the time when 
the current Constitution was being debated (1995), it is important to understand the 
background to some of their arguments. There are two explanations. 

The framers of the 1995 Constitution did so with a background of the dictatorial and 
tyrannical rule of Obote and Amin. Like many people in todayâs so called new and 
emerging democracies in Latin America, Asia, Eastern Europe etc, Ugandans suffered 
from dictatorships and gross abuses of human rights for years. 

To put an end to such abuses and usher in an era of good governance and accountable 
political leadership, these new and emerging democracies introduced the two term limit 
concept as a supposed deterrent to tyranny. The U.S constitution rather than the 
mature democracies of Western Europe was their inspiration. 

My disagreement stems from the historical experience and quest to build durable and 
democratic institutions, the bedrock of which is to trust the people from whom all 
power should emanate. The mature western democracies believe and rightly so, that free 
and regular elections do have an inbuilt mechanism to provide the equivalent of term 
limits when poor or incompetent or tyrannical leaders are rejected at the ballot box. 

The concept of Ffe tulyako ddi? (when shall we also eat?) neither serves the national 
interest nor does it serve the cause of democracy. Term limits are basically 
undemocratic in character and do not strengthen the democratic process upon which we 
want to build Uganda. This is because they are against the right of the majority to 
choose their Presidents. 

I see article 105/2 therefore, as a backward constitutional article because it denies 
future generations from coping with emergencies and it is a limitation on the powers 
of the people. 

What Ugandans should know is that the founding fathers of the American Republic 
extensively debated term limits at the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in 
1788 and rejected them. They instead recommended a strong presidency with indefinite 
eligibility. 

During the debate, one of the framers who successfully opposed term limits stated that 
âElections are for getting rid of politicians who do not perform. Term limits on the 
other hand are for eliminating politicians who are performing.â That was in 1788 at 
the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia. Almost two centuries later in 1950, the 
Republican-controlled Congress bulldozed the 22nd amendment (term limits) in the 
American Constitution. 

As a supporter of indefinite eligibility, I find no better arguments than those of 
Representative Bryson, a Democrat from South Carolina during the debate. He argued; 
âMuch has been said about the danger to democracy in allowing a President to remain 
in office beyond eight years (two terms). 

There can be no greater danger to democracy than to deny people to choose a President 
they want. There cannot be danger to democracy so long as the people themselves freely 
exercise the franchise. Parliamentary governments in Europe such as the U.K has 
preserved their democracy with indefinite terms for their prime ministers. 

Manifestly if the people of USA can be trusted to elect a president for one or two 
terms they also can be trusted to determine whether he should continue in office for a 
third or fourth term. This goes to the heart of the constitutional system. Instead of 
enlarging the rights of the people, as they should, Term limits restrict those 
rights.â 

Uganda like the rest of Africa, needs a strong and visionary leadership. Uganda in 
2003, has a population of over 40% which has no experience of the dictatorships of 
Amin and Obote. Like most Ugandans, they have limited experience of the essentials of 
good governance which stems from strong institutions nurtured by visionary and 
accountable leadership. 

As representative Bryson argued in the USA House of Representatives, it does not need 
two or three terms to become a tyrant as the anti term limit proponents are currently 
arguing. Of all people, Ugandans who have had the experience of Obote and Amin should 
not be the ones to advance such arguments. 

Neither Amin nor Obote needed even one full term to show how evil they were. Equally 
weak is the argument that other Ugandans should be given a chance. Who is stopping 
them? Lifting term limits opens up political space for any Ugandan who seeks the 
Presidency. The opposition should not therefore hide behind the fear of competitive 
politics and fear of Museveni at the ballot box. 

For this reason, the cabinet arguments emphasising good leadership should be made 
clear to the young Ugandans who have no experience of the diabolical dictatorships of 
Amin and Obote. They should know that democracy has to be nurtured. Democracy does not 
just happen. 

The Uganda of today with its democratic governance, the empowerment of women, the 
economic transformation taking place, a disciplined pro people army, are products of 
the visionary leadership of President Museveni. 

That was why NEC and the National Conference recommended the lifting of term limits. 
In the words of the Cabinet submissions to the CRC on this very question, âgood 
leaders should not be refused from serving their people.â 

Prof. Ssemakula Kiwanuka is the minister of state for Luweero Triangle 


Published by The New Vision on: Wednesday, 5th November, 2003
 



--------------------------------------------
This service is hosted on the Infocom network
http://www.infocom.co.ug

Reply via email to