http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/news/world/04-no-sustained-dialogue-qs-02


No sustained dialogue 
By Hassan bin Talal 
Tuesday, 25 Aug, 2009 | 07:04 AM PST | 
 
Legitimacy among people needs a restoration of hope, because it is hope that 
underpins legitimacy, and it is legitimacy that encourages the dialogue so 
urgently needed in Iraq and Pakistan. - File photo 
World 
Bomb wounds local official, four other people in Iraq 
'He fought himself until his blood was extinguished.
Only then was he worthy of his people.'
- Pablo Neruda

In 1969, Pablo Neruda commented that he never saw a division between poetry and 
politics in his life. While his poems revealed the intimate musings of his 
soul, they also revealed his strong identification with the greater politics of 
the day.

In 2009, identification with the politics of the day equates to sectarian 
uprisings and horrific civil wars conducted while the world community stands by 
incapacitated in the face of human rights disasters.

It has been a painful few years for humanity. Extreme violence is still 
sweeping parts of the West Asia-North Africa region and numerous minor 
conflicts continue to rage around the world. Yugoslavia, Kosovo, Afghanistan 
and Iraq have all provided fodder for those pundits who argue that religion and 
religious animosity have played a fundamental and atavistic role in these and 
other post-Cold War conflicts. The recent killings in Gojra in Pakistan is 
another example of hostilities towards a minority group.

We are suffering today from the results of the war on terror even though the 
consequences may be unintended. It is not because we are the poorest nations in 
the world. We have the richest and the poorest. It is not because we are the 
most populous. There are more people in India than there are in the Middle 
East. And it is not because we are Muslims. There are more Muslims in Southeast 
Asia than there are in the Arab world.

The current situation comes down to a basic human emotion - fear, and with 
that, a lack of human security necessary to regroup and rebuild. When people 
are vulnerable in terms of security, they become vulnerable in terms of their 
identity. The instinctive reaction to these threats is to take hold of whatever 
will provide protection, and if that is a group with a violent, fundamentalist 
doctrine, so be it.

Leaders need to recognise that the adherence to, dissemination and defence of 
one's own religious doctrine, via calm dialogue, is acceptable, while the 
violation of the rights and interests of others, overzealousness, prosecution 
of one's own faith, and the denial of the other, is unacceptable and is to be 
considered the essence of raging sectarianism.

Mechanisms of common action between the adherents of different sects and 
religions have to be found in order to prevent the continuation of these 
horrors of sectarianism. Is it not time for national unity in Iraq, and for the 
'old' Iraqi money which is frozen in foreign banks to be returned to fund the 
reconstruction of churches, husayniyat and mosques with their application of 
auqaf and zakat to the suffering and the poor?

It is not only meetings between the military and the security services of the 
world that need to take place (for they are not the only ones that face up to 
terror and terrorists). Civilian populations need to be given an outlet for 
sustained dialogue to help develop regional standards, so that the state does 
not continue to enhance its ability to monopolise legitimate violence within 
its own borders. After violence is perpetrated governments always make the same 
statement - that they regret the casualties. So my question to them is, why 
continue?

There is an inability to grasp the growth of effective military action on the 
ground and the need for an intelligent coordinated political strategy. 
Organised chaos is not an alternative to involving people in determining their 
own future. Although we Arabs are individually vocal and articulate, the only 
way to save face is to work collectively. We assert our individual identity, 
but not our collective one. There is no collective responsibility in the 
respective regions of this crisis ellipse. There are no independent economic or 
social councils in our region addressing supra-national themes such as shared 
water and energy that meet every quarter and report to governments or the 
various UN bodies.

There are many in the Muslim world who might offer an ear if they are 
interested in a third sphere of ad hominem representation of government, the 
corporate world and civil society. One of the beneficial aspects of a third 
sphere is that it reduces the concern of governments because it engages in 
dialogue with citizens.

If our point of departure is that there is no dialogue between citizens, then 
the analysis is that universal citizens and/or national citizens do not talk to 
each other except by way of blogs and twitter on the Internet. I am not 
suggesting that new technologies should not be taken up to communicate; rather 
they do not surpass face-to-face dialogue and the gentle art of listening.

We are witnessing generations in Iraq and Palestine surrounded by violence and 
enduring without hope. Their young people, full of energy and the desire for a 
brighter future, are denied an opportunity to determine their own future, by 
poor governance as well as continuing conflict. As a result, they are gradually 
being deprived of their own past.

Outside authoritarians and populists cannot and will not decide on or develop 
the conditions of consensual governments which are reached by political, 
economic and social means. The 20th century has seen the creation of a set of 
universal norms which, if implemented, would go a long way towards making war 
unnecessary. We have witnessed inspiring and successful experiments with active 
non-violence in struggles for independence and civil rights by unarmed people's 
movements. We have seen the replacement of authoritarian forms of government by 
democratic governance and the increasing role of civil society in the affairs 
of humanity.

We cannot afford to lose hope in imagining a future where, through education 
for citizenship, we can create that long-awaited nahda of states where we call 
our citizens inhabitants rather than populations; where we remove the labels 
that so easily create the hatred that leads to divisions of religion or 
ethnicity (or humanity).

There is a need to prevent the political from intruding into our personal 
lives, yet we relinquish so readily. We must restore the legitimacy of diverse 
religious beliefs through the ancient wisdom of the sages. Legitimacy among 
people needs a restoration of hope, because it is hope that underpins 
legitimacy, and it is legitimacy that encourages the dialogue so urgently 
needed in Iraq and Pakistan.



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