http://www.thejakartapost.com/detailheadlines.asp?fileid=20050718.A04&irec=3

State 'must stay away from religious debate'

The government has been pressed by religious leaders and scholars to
take a clear stance on religious fanaticism. The Jakarta Post's Hera
Diani talked with Abdul Kader Tayob, a professor of Islamic studies
from the University of Nijmegen's International Institute for the
Study of Islam in the Netherlands. The following are excerpts from the
interview.

Question: What are your observations of the contemporary Muslim
movement in Indonesia?

Answer: What is remarkable about Indonesia is the extent to which
Nurcholish Madjid -- and more recently the Liberal Islam Network (JIL)
-- have thought through modern Islam, so both non-Muslims and Muslims
who have different perspectives (are accommodated).

It is striking for me to see debates and discussions taking place
among academics and the members of non-governmental organizations
(NGOs) -- and how Indonesians can step back and actually look at
Islamic ideas, the history of Islamic thought.

I know Indonesians are worried about radicalization and I do not blame
them. You can look at them (radicals) as opportunists or a social
phenomena. In a way, they are coming back from the institutions, they
don't have a place in modern society, so they make a place for themselves.

In a way they are also forcing the limits and challenges of the
democratization process. And I think that kind of challenge has to be
looked at from a different point of view.

>From the state's point of view, it usually wants to control radical
groups -- the state tend to support the moderate. However, the state
needs to keep its distance from the religious debate as its
(involvement) would only cause more trouble. The state cannot make a
decision about what is correct or incorrect in Islam.

But the state can and should establish limits. You can say whatever
you like, but you cannot attack somebody for what they are saying.
That is the basic liberty that a state can define.

>From an intellectual point of view, one has to historicize
intellectual tradition. You need to look at all Islamic ideas as
coming from a particular historical context.

>From the little bit I know -- I'm not an expert -- some say that
Nurcholish is followed by JIL, but they are actually different. When
speaking about secularization, for example, he was speaking about
values, issues that brought human values supported by Islam.
Therefore, we can take a secular approach to politics, economics, as
long as we have (Islamic) values.

But the JIL that I've seen so far seems to have a hermeunetical approach.

I have my own sympathy with the liberal, but their approach is
hermeunetical, which means you cannot choose between one
interpretation and another. So, they really will have to accept that
there are going to be conservatives, other Muslims who want sharia and
those who say that sharia is impossible. That is where the state comes
in. The state has to allow for all of that, as long as there are some
basic values. And that is basically the challenge.

What is the role of the ulema council and its fatwa in the state?

Twenty to 30 years ago, people said that the ulema organization was
going to disappear. But in fact it has survived.

I think mullahs are playing a role in the public morality issue.

In many cases the mullahs agree with the state, so they are not going
to play a critical role in the state. But they are also responding to
what maybe called a narrow sense of individuals' religious needs.
Like, for example, whether Muslims could attend Christian celebrations
in the early 1980s -- they took a stance.

In that sense, the disbandment of the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI)
has been suggested. What do you think?

On the one hand I can see the value of criticism. But on the other
hand, while the council is not to have the final say, its value is to
bring a consensus and to assure people they are not alone.

You cannot reach a consensus in Islam, but you can, maybe, reach a
basic agreement on something that is essential. And I can see how it
might work here, like, for instance, how to decide when Ramadhan starts.

What about the adoption of sharia law, the caning of gamblers? Should
the state interfere in that?

When somebody introduces sharia, it should be clear how it relates to
other laws. You cannot have sharia without recognition of the
Constitution. If it was going to be state law, the legal implications
for non-Muslims would need to be considered.

Sharia itself is not as comprehensive as people think it is. It
doesn't detail legal procedures, nor rehabilitation.

Sharia does not necessarily solve problems, and can cause more
problems. It often targets women and is more about punishments and
restrictions.

People who are applying sharia think they can determine public
morality. I think what they do not take into consideration is
individual morality, they are not thinking about how to address and
respond to the various influences in society.

I think the state should interfere in the caning of gamblers (in Aceh).

If people want to solve the problems of crimes, lawlessness, morality,
I think the approach should be that sharia should add value to the
legal system. Only then would people support it.

Everyone talks about the purification of Islam, both radical and
liberal groups. How would you bridge the gap between those groups? Is
that the state's job?

I don't know whether it's going to be possible to bridge it. I think
the diversity of Muslims is an inherent part of Islam. Diversity,
pluralism these are unavoidable in Islam.

The basic principle in Islamic thought is that when one holds an
opinion, it is possible that the opinion is wrong. Unfortunately,
somebody always want to be an authority. But the reality is nobody can
claim authority. So, right in the heart of Islamic thought you will
find pluralism.

When people say that Koran says no to pluralism, actually they have
not even read the Koran. Because there are verses that are not very
clear and verses that appear to be contradictory, but Muslim scholars
say you have to look at the historical context. 




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