Kwere Kwere Vasco. We are all ears. Akulia
On Sun, Apr 17, 2016 at 11:57 PM, <westnilenet-requ...@kym.net> wrote: > Send WestNileNet mailing list submissions to > westnilenet@kym.net > > To subscribe or unsubscribe via the World Wide Web, visit > http://orion.kym.net/mailman/listinfo/westnilenet > or, via email, send a message with subject or body 'help' to > westnilenet-requ...@kym.net > > You can reach the person managing the list at > westnilenet-ow...@kym.net > > When replying, please edit your Subject line so it is more specific > than "Re: Contents of WestNileNet digest..." > > > Today's Topics: > > 1. FULL LIST: The 2016 TIME 100 Poll. (Hussein Amin) > 2. STUDY: HOW LIBERATORS BECOME OPPRESSORS. (Hussein Amin) > > > ---------------------------------------------------------------------- > > Message: 1 > Date: Tue, 12 Apr 2016 15:48:07 -0700 > From: Hussein Amin <husseinjur...@gmail.com> > To: Ugandans-at-heart <ugandans-at-he...@googlegroups.com> > Cc: Uganda Muslim Brothers and Sisters > <uganda-muslim-brothers-and-sist...@googlegroups.com> > Subject: [WestNileNet] FULL LIST: The 2016 TIME 100 Poll. > Message-ID: > <CAGtzWLq1VF2djOLnTBU65OxX23VKaQ=A= > 3uospm5dsrui8q...@mail.gmail.com> > Content-Type: text/plain; charset="utf-8" > > FULL LIST: The 2016 TIME Magazine 100 Poll > > Who is winning the readers vote? > > The first African I saw is Paul Kagame (73rd). > This is not tallied by Kiggundu. There is no biometric vote rigging system > here. So you know what that means for someone someone. He doesn't even > appear on this list. > And it seems Kim Kardashian (115th) & Islamic State terrorist Abu Bakr > Al-Baghdadi (117th) are more popular than Sevo. > > (Walayi ne kunsi yonna mussajja agenda) > > Source: Time Magazine. > > 3.4%.Bernie Sanders > 2.9% Big Bang > 2.2% Aung San Suu Kyi > 2% Barack Obama > 1.9% Malala Yousafzai > 1.8% Lady Gaga > 1.8% Taylor Swift > 1.7% Michelle Obama > 1.7% Pope Francis > 1.7% Leonardo DiCaprio > 1.6% Emma Watson > 1.5% Adele > 1.4%Bill Gates > 1.4% J.K. Rowling > 1.3% Justin Trudeau > 1.3% Mark Zuckerberg > 1.3% Beyonc? > 1.2% Jennifer Lawrence > 1.2% Tsai Ing-wen > 1.1% Dr. Mona Hanna-Attisha > 1.1% Elizabeth Warren > 1.1% Stephen Colbert > 1.1% Angela Merkel > 1.1% John Oliver > 1% Hillary Clinton > 1% Tim Cook > 1% CL of 2NE1 > 1% Serena Williams > 1% Panti Bliss > 1% Elon Musk > 1% Joe Biden > 0.9% Kathy Niakan > 0.9% Alan Stern > 0.9% Cecile Richards > 0.9% Priscilla Chan > 0.8% Rihanna > 0.8% Sundar Pichai > 0.8% Reed Hastings > 0.8% Priyanka Chopra > 0.8% DeRay Mckesson > 0.8% Kendrick Lamar > 0.8% Alejandro Gonz?lez I??rritu > 0.8% J.J. Abrams > 0.8% Vladimir Putin > 0.8% Denis Mukwege > 0.8% Aziz Ansari > 0.8% Usain Bolt > 0.8% Amy Schumer > 0.8% Dwayne "The Rock" Johnson > 0.8% Melissa McCarthy > 0.8% Idris Elba > 0.8% Ronda Rousey > 0.7% Narendra Modi > 0.7% Dan Carder > 0.7% Stephen Curry > 0.7% Ibtihaj Muhammad > 0.7% Shonda Rhimes > 0.7% Lin-Manuel Miranda > 0.7% Megyn Kelly > 0.7% Lionel Messi > 0.7% Fran?ois Hollande > 0.7% Cristiano Ronaldo > 0.6% David Cameron > 0.6% Jeff Bezos > 0.6% Warren Buffett > 0.6% Anthony Kennedy > 0.6% Sheryl Sandberg > 0.6% Christine Lagarde > 0.6% Satya Nadella > 0.6% Charlize Theron > 0.6% Donald Trump > 0.6% Nicki Minaj > 0.6% Paul Kagame > 0.6% Michael B. Jordan > 0.6% Shinzo Abe > 0.6% The Weeknd > 0.6% Ta-Nehisi Coates > 0.5% Sean MacFarland > 0.5% Travis Kalanick > 0.5% Oscar Isaac > 0.5% Drake > 0.5% Xi Jinping > 0.5% Felix Arvid Ulf Kjellberg > 0.5% Gina Rodriguez > 0.5% Ariana Grande > 0.5% Samantha Bee > 0.5% Justin Bieber > 0.5% Ben Affleck > 0.5% Hassan Rouhani > 0.5% Christiana Figueres > 0.5% Taraji P. Henson > 0.5% Caitlyn Jenner > 0.5% Nikki Haley > 0.5% King Abdullah > 0.5% Kathleen Kennedy > 0.5% Janet Yellen > 0.5% Sania Mirza > 0.5% James Comey > 0.4% Novak Djokovic > 0.4% Kanye West > 0.4% Katie Ledecky > 0.4% Marilynne Robinson > 0.4% Gael Garc?a Bernal > 0.4% DJ Khaled > 0.4% Julia Louis-Dreyfus > 0.4% Kim Jong Un > 0.4% Mauricio Macri > 0.4% Johanna Basford > 0.4% Bashar Assad > 0.4% Lewis Hamilton > 0.4% John Kasich > 0.4% Rainbow Rowell > 0.4% Paul Ryan > 0.4% Mary Barra > 0.4% Kim Kardashian West > 0.4% Palmer Luckey > 0.4% Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi > 0.3% Recep Tayyip Erdogan > 0.3% King Salman > 0.3% Martin Shkreli > 0.3% Elena Ferrante > 0.3% David and Charles Koch > 0.3% Jin Liqun > 0.3% Jordan Spieth > 0.3% Ted Cruzy > 0.2% Wang Jianlin > 0.2% Eduardo Paes > > time.com/4264934/2016-time-100-poll-results/ > -------------- next part -------------- > An HTML attachment was scrubbed... > URL: < > http://orion.kym.net/mailman/private/westnilenet/attachments/20160412/c8345dee/attachment.html > > > > ------------------------------ > > Message: 2 > Date: Wed, 13 Apr 2016 15:46:54 -0700 > From: Hussein Amin <husseinjur...@gmail.com> > To: Ugandans-at-heart <ugandans-at-he...@googlegroups.com> > Cc: Uganda Muslim Brothers and Sisters > <uganda-muslim-brothers-and-sist...@googlegroups.com> > Subject: [WestNileNet] STUDY: HOW LIBERATORS BECOME OPPRESSORS. > Message-ID: > < > cagtzwlrbeswjgnamxomzixnjgbemsqslq9qqq6xjtdfflmv...@mail.gmail.com> > Content-Type: text/plain; charset="utf-8" > > How liberators turn into oppressors - a study of southern African states > Henning Melber | 12 April, 2016 12:14 > > Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe and his wife Grace. Mugabe has been in > power since 1980. > > Since coming to political power, the anticolonial movements of Angola, > Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa have remained in control of > the former settler colonies? societies. > At best their track record of running the countries they helped liberate is > mixed. From the ?oiligarchy? in Angola under Jos? Eduardo dos Santos and > his family clan and the autocratic ?Zanufication? under Zimbabwean > President Robert Mugabe to the presidential successions in Mozambique, > Namibia and South Africa, all movements embarked on what could be termed > ?state capture?. > This is true of all five: the People?s Movement for the Liberation of > Angola > (MPLA) , the Mozambique Liberation Front > (Frelimo) , the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU PF), Namibia?s South > West Africa People?s Organisation (SWAPO) and the African National Congress > (ANC) in South Africa. > During the years of organised resistance, activists in the liberation > movements often internalised a ?we-they? divide that categorised people as > comrades or enemies. This was true in exile politics and armed struggle, as > well as militant internal underground mobilisation. > The repressive regimes the liberation movements opposed were based on human > rights violations as an integral component of minority rule. To have a > chance of success against them, the struggle mainly operated along the > lines of command and obedience. Operating in exile or for a banned > organisation at home left no room for complacency. Suspicion was required > for survival. It is normal for resistance movements to adopt rough survival > strategies and techniques while fighting an oppressive regime. > Unfortunately that culture takes root and is permanently nurtured. Such > confrontational mentality has become entrenched in an authoritarian > political culture that is based on the claim that liberators have an > entitlement to rule within a new elite project. This has happened much to > the frustration of those who believed that the struggle against settler > colonialism was also a struggle against a range of other things. These > include economic exploitation, redistribution of wealth, plural democracy > and respect for human dignity, rights and civil liberties. > This happened in societies in transition almost everywhere. Those who > sacrificed during the resistance felt in many cases entitled to new > privileges as a kind of compensation and reward. As a new elite, they also > often mimicked the lifestyles of those they replaced. Mugabe?s cultivation > of Oxford English is as much a case in point as the new Indian elite > culture analysed by Ashis Nandy in ?The Intimate Enemy? . > There is also nothing new about militant movements that are supposedly > justified in ethical and moral terms losing their legitimacy quickly when > obtaining power. Since the French Revolution, liberators have often turned > into oppressors, victims into perpetrators. New regimes often resemble > features of the old one. > > Wounds old and new > > Armed resistance was in different degrees part of the liberation struggles > in the southern African settler colonies. While liberation did not come > from the barrel of a gun, the military component accelerated the process > towards self-determination. In the cases of Zimbabwe, Namibia and, to a > lesser extent, South Africa, it was a contributing factor for a negotiated > transition towards majority rule. > The compromises required from all sides were part of a wider appeasement > strategy tantamount to elite pacts. Negotiated transfer of political power > did not abandon the settler colonial structures of society. > It bears repetition that the unscrupulously violent character of the > Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) regime had already revealed itself > in the early to mid-1980s. Already during the exile years internal power > struggles led to assassinations and showed the brute force inherent in > liberation struggles, even within their own ranks. This willingness to > resort to violence was seen on a massive scale after independence as it was > turned against political opponents and their support base. > A special unit killed an estimated 20,000 people through Operation > Gukurahundi , where the opposition Zimbabwe African People?s Union (ZAPU) > had most support. Atrocities bordering on genocide did not stop until ZAPU > agreed to sign a pact. ZANU basically took ZAPU over. > When the Movement for Democratic Change as a new opposition party turned > into a serious competitor, the > Chimurenga , or revolutionary struggle, became a permanent institution. > Violence was the customary response to political protest. And as political > power shifted away from Mugabe after the lost referendum in 2000 , his > regime became more violent. > Swapo?s human rights violations have also been downplayed. In the 1980s the > organisation imprisoned thousands of its members in dungeons in southern > Angola, accusing them of spying on behalf of South Africa. These people > lost their liberty and often their lives in spite of never having been > proven guilty. Indeed, they were not even brought to trial. Most did not > survive the torture. Those released are scorned even today. > While political leaders of these movements might not have practised such > acts of violence themselves, they were accomplices and knew of them. > South Africa?s trajectory is sobering too. Given the country?s vibrant > political culture pre-democracy, the prospects for democracy were more > encouraging. > But the horrific degree of violence displayed by those executing ?law and > order? on behalf of the South African state in Marikana was a reminder that > Sharpeville was not past. > The 2012 Marikana massacre brought bitter memories of the apartheid-era > killings of protesters in Sharpeville. Reuters/Siphiwe Sibeko > As early as 1990, veteran underground activist and later constitutional > judge Albie Sachs expressed doubts that ANC activists were ready for > freedom. He worried about the habits they had cultivated. While the culture > and discipline of resistance may have served as a survival strategy in the > underground, these skills were not those of free citizens. > Raymond Suttner?s work, based on his view from the inside, points out that > ANC ideology and rhetoric do not distinguish between the liberation > movement and the people. The liberation movement is a prototype of a state > within the state ? one that sees itself as the only legitimate source of > power. > He also explains how during the struggle there was a general suppression of > ?the personal? in favour of ?the collective?. Individual judgment, and > thereby autonomy, was substituted by a collective decision from the > leadership. Such a ?warrior culture? included heroic acts, but also the > abuse of power. > As in many instances, women ? as mothers, wives and daughters, but also as > objects for satisfying sexual desires ? paid the highest price and made the > greatest sacrifices. > South Africa?s Truth and Reconciliation Commission, institutionalised by > the government, also talked about human rights violations committed by the > ANC. Although the final official report containing these findings was never > published in its original form, President Nelson Mandela did not shy away > from earlier offering a public apology to the victims of the ANC?s failures > to respect basic human rights. > > Beyond the ?end of history? > > As we now know, postcolonial life looks for far too many people very much > like that of the colonial era in respect to day-to-day living. One reason > for this is that socialisation and attitudes from the struggle have shaped > the new political leaders? understanding of politics ? and their idea of > how to wield power. > In office, liberation movements tend to mark ?the end of history?. Their > party machineries ? as sociologist Roger Southall describes it ? promote > the equation that the party is the government and the government is the > state. Any political alternative that does not emerge from within will not > be acceptable. > This attitude explains the strong sense of camaraderie between the Mugabe > regime and the governments of Angola, Mozambique, Namibia and South Africa. > Typically, any political alternative will be discredited as being part of > an imperialist conspiracy that is designed to sabotage national > independence and is seeking ?regime change?. > The relevant categories of thought are winners and losers. But democracy is > about something completely different: compromise, and even a search for > consensus, in pursuit of the public good. To achieve that, one does not > need mindsets in combat mode, but rather a broad political debate. > Looking at the history of the liberation struggles in southern Africa can, > therefore, also open our eyes and sharpen our sensibility, awareness and > understanding of forms of rule that show clear limitations for genuine > emancipation and liberation. > We should also critically reflect on those ? within the countries and > globally ? who rendered those movements support. How have they positioned > themselves vis-?-vis the new power structures? How are they practising the > notion of solidarity in the context of inequalities and injustices? > We should return to the mindsets, values, norms and expectations of those > who supported these struggles. The notion of solidarity might then live on > with a similar uncompromising meaning and practice. > ?A luta continua? as a popular slogan during the struggle days would then > not translate into ?the looting continues? but return to its true meaning. > If implemented accordingly, it underlines that there is no end of history > when it comes to social struggles for true emancipation, equality, liberty > and justice. > > Henning Melber: Extraordinary Professor, Department of Political Sciences, > University of Pretoria > > > timeslive.co.za/africa/2016/04/12/How-liberators-turn-into-oppressors---a-study-of-southern-African-states > -------------- next part -------------- > An HTML attachment was scrubbed... > URL: < > http://orion.kym.net/mailman/private/westnilenet/attachments/20160413/f24aae8c/attachment.html > > > > ------------------------------ > > Subject: Digest Footer > > _______________________________________________ > WestNileNet mailing list > WestNileNet@kym.net > http://orion.kym.net/mailman/listinfo/westnilenet > > > ------------------------------ > > End of WestNileNet Digest, Vol 92, Issue 20 > ******************************************* >
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