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Capitalism better
By Chandrabhan Prasad

Thirty years have passed since I was elected president of my college
students union in 1977. I was then a 19-year-old BA first year student
and had got in touch with the Communist movement in my area.

By giving my example, the point I am trying to make is that I was
trained to aspire for a classless society. So engaged I was in that
hunt of claiming a classless society that I eventually joined the
CPI(ML). However, I am not the only one. There are many Dalits who
face similar dilemma. A sizeable number of Dalits is Communist by
implication although, they all claim to be pursuing an Ambedkarian
agenda.

While I dreamt of a classless society, in reality, I faced caste-based
problems. I didn't want to enter politics. However, a Dalit student
contesting for president, was being forced to not stand for elections.
The issue became a challenge. I decided to contest and I won.

In those days, elected office-bearers had to take oath in the presence
of students, teachers and the staff. There were threats that the
ceremony would be disrupted. Over 100 Dalits, well armed, were in
position, and the goons ran for cover.

Despite having faced caste-based problems, my belief in a classless
society was strong. I kept fooling myself that caste is a super
structure and once the base changes, it will wither away. It was much
later that I realised that the base itself stood on the pillars of the
caste order. Two years ago, I was invited as chief guest for a
function on Dr Ambedkar's birth anniversary in Shahjahanpur. An
elderly Dalit spoke eloquently about the agony Indian capitalism has
wrought on Dalits - giving graphic details of how Ambedkar 'fought'
against capitalism all his life. Being the organiser of the function,
he spoke last and I sat listening to his rubbish. It will be in order
here to state that that gentleman is my great admirer and while
praising me he told the audience how I, too, was fighting capitalism
in Delhi.

An accomplished Dalit scholar told me during the Durban conference in
2001 that "America lives on our (India's) surpluses". When the wheel
of globalisation came to India in 1991, most sub-currents within the
Dalit movements decided to fight it with the belief that globalisation
could be stopped.

A decade-and-a-half has passed and globalisation has taken roots in
India. In the then collective Dalit imagery, globalisation was to be
the community's bane.

As we now see, because of globalisation the caste order is becoming an
embarrassment to traditional beneficiaries. In a more interconnected
world, the Dalit issue is getting more global attention than ever
before. Dalit movements have supporters in most parts of Europe and
America. Whenever affirmative action in private sector becomes a
reality, half of the credit will go to globalisation. The logic of
globalisation is hitting at taboo associated with occupational purity
- the backbone of caste order.

Globalisation powered capitalism, on the other hand, is making class
divides more visible. To that extent, caste divisions are blurring. As
the wheels of capitalism role over India's agrarianism, urbanisation
and industrialisation will only expand. A highly industrialised and
urbanised India will be a better place for Dalits to live in.

The goal of Dalit movements, thus, could be two-fold - accelerating
the process of capitalistic expansion, industrialisa-tion and
urbanisation; and seeking a share in the same. But, as said, expanded
capitalism will make class divides more visible than ever before.

Dalits, thus, have a choice to make - between a casteless India and an
India made of different economic classes. The idea of a classless
society may only perpetuate the caste order as all societies live with
some divisions or the other. A capitalism-powered class society is the
clear choice.

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