The demonisation of Russia risks paving the way for war

March 5, 2015 
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By Seumas Milne,  
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 The Guardian, March 4, 2015

 

Politicians and the media are using Vladimir Putin and Ukraine to justify 
military expansionism. It’s dangerous folly.

 

A quarter of a century after the end of the Cold War, the “Russian threat” is 
unmistakably back. Vladimir Putin, Britain’s defence secretary Michael Fallon 
declares, is as great a danger to Europe as “Islamic State”. There may be no 
ideological confrontation, and Russia may be a shadow of its Soviet 
predecessor, but the anti-Russian drumbeat has now reached fever pitch.

 

  
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And much more than in Soviet times, the campaign is personal. It’s all about 
Putin. The Russian president is an expansionist dictator who has launched a 
“shameless aggression”. He is the epitome of “political depravity”, “carving 
up” his neighbours as he crushes dissent at home, and routinely is compared to 
Hitler. Putin has now become a cartoon villain and Russia the target of almost 
uniformly belligerent propaganda across the western media. Anyone who questions 
the dominant narrative on Ukraine – from last year’s overthrow of the elected 
president and the role of Ukrainian far right 
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  to war crimes carried out by Kiev’s forces – is dismissed as a Kremlin dupe.

That has been ratcheted up still further with the murder of the opposition 
politician Boris Nemtsov 
<http://click.icptrack.com/icp/relay.php?r=107351866&msgid=913010&act=HT36&c=541249&destination=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.theguardian.com%2Fworld%2F2015%2Fmar%2F01%2Fboris-nemtsov-murdered-politician-march-moscow>
 . The Russian president has, of course, been blamed for the killing, though 
that makes little sense. Nemtsov was a marginal figure whose role in the 
“catastroika” of the 1990s scarcely endeared him to ordinary Russians. 
Responsibility for an outrage that exposed the lack of security in the heart of 
Moscow and was certain to damage the president hardly seems likely to lie with 
Putin or his supporters.

 

But it’s certainly grist to the mill of those pushing military confrontation 
with Russia. Hundreds of US troops are arriving in Ukraine this week to bolster 
the Kiev regime’s war with Russian-backed rebels in the east. Not to be 
outdone, Britain is sending 75 military advisers of its own. As 20th-century 
history shows, the dispatch of military advisers is often how disastrous 
escalations start. They are also a direct violation of last month’s Minsk 
agreement 
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 , negotiated with France and Germany, that has at least achieved a temporary 
ceasefire and some pull-back of heavy weapons. Article 10 requires the 
withdrawal of all foreign forces from Ukraine.

 

But NATO’s hawks have got the bit between their teeth. Thousands of NATO troops 
have been sent to the Baltic states – the Atlantic alliance’s new frontline – 
untroubled by theirindulgence of neo-Nazi parades 
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  and denial of minority ethnic rights. A string of American political leaders 
and generals are calling for the US to arm Kiev, from the chairman of the joint 
chiefs of staff, General Martin Dempsey 
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 , to the new defence secretary, Ashton Carter 
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 . For the western military complex, the Ukraine conflict has the added 
attraction of creating new reasons to increase arms spending, as the US army’s 
General Raymond Odierno made clear when he complained this week about British 
defence cuts in the face of the “Russian threat”.

 

Putin’s authoritarian conservatism may offer little for Russia’s future, but 
this anti-Russian incitement is dangerous folly. There certainly has been 
military expansionism. But it has overwhelmingly come from NATO, not Moscow. 
For 20 years, despite the commitments at the end of the Cold War, NATO has 
marched relentlessly eastwards, taking in first former east European Warsaw 
Pact states, then republics of the former Soviet Union itself. As the academic 
Richard Sakwa puts it in his book Frontline Ukraine 
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 , NATO now “exists to manage the risks created by its existence”.

 

Instead of creating a common European security system including Russia, the 
US-dominated alliance has expanded up to the Russian border – insisting that is 
merely the sovereign choice of the states concerned. It clearly isn’t. It’s 
also the product of an alliance system designed to entrench American 
“leadership” on the European continent – laid out in Pentagon planning drawn up 
after the collapse of the Soviet Union 
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  to “prevent the re-emergence of a new rival”.

Russia has now challenged that, and the consequences have been played out in 
Ukraine for the past year: starting with the western-backed ousting of the 
elected government, through the installation of a Ukrainian nationalist regime, 
the Russian takeover of Crimea and Moscow-backed uprising in the Donbass. On 
the ground, it has meant thousands of dead, hundreds of thousands of refugees, 
indiscriminate shelling of civilian areas and the rise of Ukrainian fascist 
militias such as the Azov battalion 
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 , supported by Kiev 
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  and its western sponsors, now preparing to “defend” Mariupol from its own 
people. For the bulk of the western media, that’s dismissed as Kremlin 
propaganda.

 

Russian covert military support for the rebels, on the other hand, is denounced 
as aggression and “hybrid warfare” – by the same governments that have waged 
covert wars from Nicaragua to Syria, quite apart from outright aggressions and 
illegal campaigns in Kosovo, Libya and Iraq.

That doesn’t justify less extreme Russian violations of international law, but 
it puts them in the context of Russian security. While Putin is portrayed in 
the west as a reckless land-grabber, in Russian terms he is a centrist. As the 
veteran Russian leftist Boris Kagarlitsky comments, most Russians want Putin to 
take a tougher stand against the west “not because of patriotic propaganda, but 
their experience of the past 25 years”.

 

In the west, Ukraine – along with Isis – is being used to revive the doctrines 
of liberal interventionism and even neoconservatism, discredited on the killing 
fields of Iraq and Afghanistan. So far, Angela Merkel and François Hollande 
have resisted American pressure to arm Kiev. But when the latest Minsk 
ceasefire breaks down, as it surely will, there is a real risk that Ukraine’s 
proxy conflict could turn into full-scale international war.

 

The alternative is a negotiated settlement which guarantees Ukraine’s 
neutrality, pluralism and regional autonomy. It may well be too late for that. 
But there is certainly no military solution. Instead of escalating the war and 
fuelling nationalist extremism, western powers should be using their leverage 
to wind it down. If they don’t, the consequences could be disastrous – far 
beyond Ukraine.

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