Michael goes on to indicate that a people's 
dividend to increase purchasing power for 
people in need of money to buy a decent 
standard of living can be created the way bank 
loans create money. Such people in need would 
receive the money from government -- not from a 
bank or a loan.
---------------------------

[reply]  It doesn't have to be the government.  
It could be the banks.
--
 
So where would the government get the money to 
pay the dividend?
---------------------------

[reply]  It is not a physical thing that has to 
come from anywhere.
--
 
Michael indicates government would create the 
money, like the banks do, but there would be no 
loan to repay.
 
Only a government whose constitution allows 
such debtless money can do this. That rules out 
Alberta, and the fifty states of the USA.
 
Alberta tried to tax bank profits to supply the 
money involved. The courts stopped this method. 
If they had not, it is doubtful that bank 
profits could have paid a big enough dividend 
to raise the living standards of people in need 
-- remembering that the dividend must stimulate 
production enough to put real food on the 
table.
---------------------------

[reply]  Perhaps someone more familiar with 
Alberta than I am, such as Chick Hurst or Wally 
Klinck, will comment.

This is my understanding:  It was not a tax on 
profit, for that would require some method to 
determine profit.  It was to be a tax on banks, 
the presumption being that banks create money.

It is far easier to implement Social Credit 
with the cooperation of the banking system. 
Otherwise, there is inevitable and perpetual 
confrontation.
--
 
Michael does not go on to describe how central 
government will create debtless money and avoid 
its inflationary effect. The Social Credit 
doctrine in this matter is to continue our 
practice of taxation to do this.
---------------------------

[reply]  I don't think Michael said that 
"central government" would create "debtless 
money."  Nor does taxation come into play.  
Most Social Crediters are for minimal 
government with minimal taxation.

Also, your characterization of "debtless money" 
and "its inflationary effect" indicates to me 
that you are still hung up in thinking about 
money in quantitative terms:  So much 
production on one side of the scales; so much 
money on the other.

Inflation is not generally a case of "too much 
money" chasing "too few goods."

It is usually a cost-accountancy issue in 
modern industrial economies, as described by 
Douglas in Part II, Chapter III of *Social 
Credit*:

"The condition which is produced by a policy of 
restricting the amount of money in circulation 
can be grasped without difficulty, if it be 
remembered that it must involve a numerical 
decrease in both the total figures of cost and 
the total figures of price for a given period 
of production. The only portion of the total 
costs which can be decreased without loss to 
the producer are those represented by wages and 
salaries, the remainder being fixed charges 
based on the capital costs already incurred. 
Wages and salaries costs are purchasing power, 
and collectively are much less than collective 
prices. Imagine both collective wages and 
collective prices to be diminished by an equal 
amount x.

"This may be written:

"Costs = purchasing power;

"Costs are < prices;

"Therefore: costs/prices < 1;

"Therefore: costs - x/prices - x < 
costs/prices.

"An addition to both the numerator and 
denominator of the fraction, such as is brought 
about by a rise of wages, accompanied by a rise 
in price, has, of course, the opposite effect; 
it brings the ratio of purchasing power to 
prices nearer, though never to unity, with the 
result, seen in Germany in the inflation 
period, of immense, though unstable, economic 
activity, accompanied by great hardship to the 
professional and rentier classes, both of whom 
have claims to consideration, and a most 
undesirable concentration of economic power, 
resulting infallibly in the enslavement of the 
artisan."

This analysis is perfectly consistent with the 
empirically derived Phillips Curve.

The Social Credit solution is not to force up 
wages arbitrarily through union pressure, the 
strong arm of the government or "easy money" 
policies, but to increasingly supplement wages 
with the dividend, thereby adding to the 
denominator without simultaneously adding to 
the numerator of the fraction.  The fraction is 
thereby brought closer to unity without 
inflation.

And Rodney Shakespeare take note:  Increasing 
corporate dividends through distributed 
ownership schemes will also add to the 
numerator what it adds to the denominator, so 
therefore cannot be the ultimate solution to 
the "gap" between "prices" and "purchasing 
power."

--

On Wed, 12 Feb 2003 10:40:11  
 John Gelles wrote:
>  I agree with Michael Lane [cut]


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