[Begin developing structures through which to operate as a politically
self-sufficient community within an independent Kosovo, and seek
international support for this]
 
 
 
 
UNMIK promulgates Regulation on Kosovo’s Ombudsperson Institution
http://www.unmikonline.org/DPI/PressRelease.nsf/0/D34CA448A7452D40C125711800
39C2F9/$FILE/pr1492.pdf
 
OSCE Chairman urges Kosovo leaders to begin decentralization process,
continue standards implementation
http://www.osce.org/kosovo/item_1_18076.html
 
MakFax: "Self-determination"
http://www.balkanpeace.org/hed/archive/feb06/hed7348.shtml
 
A Serbian referendum for Kosovo?
http://news.serbianunity.net/bydate/2006/February_17/16.html
 
 
Negotiating team for Kosovo examines its stance for upcoming Vienna talks
http://www.srbija.sr.gov.yu/vesti/vest.php?id=20799
 
 
When solving Kosovo issue regional stability must be kept in mind
http://www.srbija.sr.gov.yu/vesti/vest.php?id=20760
 
Rice says Kosovo negotiations have implications for neighbors 
http://www.serbianna.com/news/2006/01255.html
 
 
 
------------------

http://g2.wnd.com/

G2Bulletin - In bed with terrorists

Copyright © 2005 Joseph Farah's G2 Bulletin NEW WORLD DISORDER

In bed with terrorists

When 'the Snake' came to Washington

 

© 2005 G2 BulletinPublishing date: 16.02.2006 19:39

Perhaps one of the main reasons why Russian President Vladimir Putin wasn't

too worried about reactions to his invitation for the leaders of Hamas to

come to Moscow was the fact that he could point to at least two recent

instances of a political figure with a terrorist background being invited to

major Western capitals.

 

Hashim Thaci

Hashim Thaci, also known as "the Snake," wartime leader of the Kosovo

Albanian terrorist group KLA, and now leader of UN-administered Kosovo's

second largest party, the Democratic Party of Kosovo or PDK, visited

Washington Jan. 13, when he was received by U.S. Undersecretary of State for

Political Affairs Nicholas Burns to "discuss the situation in Kosovo,

including the status talks," according to a State Department spokesman.

Even more interesting was Thaci's visit to Berlin in the first week of

February, at the invitation of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation run by the

German Social-Democratic Party or SPD, the second largest in Germany.

The details of his program were confidential, but it was confirmed that

Thaci had meetings in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the German

Parliament in connection with "planning projects in Kosovo" according to an

item in the Junge Welt daily.

The last such "successful project" in Kosovo took place March 17-19, 2004,

when coordinated Albanian mobs numbering more than 50,000 looted and burned

several Serb towns and villages, destroying several Christian Orthodox

churches and resulting in the deaths of more than 20 people and hundreds of

injuries, with only an emergency deployment of U.S. troops preventing far

worse carnage. Subsequent intelligence data, causing a small-scale scandal

on the German political scene, showed that the German contingent in Kosovo

had "advance warning" of the coming attacks but did nothing to prevent them.

The New York Times reported during 1999 that Thaci was responsible for the

killings of several rival commanders within the KLA. According to a dossier

of the German BND intelligence agency, "Thaci . gives orders to the

professional killer Afrimi," who has carried out at least 11 assassinations

in Kosovo.

Junge Welt reports that at the end of January, Thaci also participated at a

Socialist International Conference in Athens, where his PDK is bidding for

membership in that global socialist umbrella organization, "obviously under

German tutorship."

According to a U.S. Senate Republican Policy Committee Report of March 31,

1999, the KLA was closely involved with:

. The extensive Albanian crime network that extends throughout Europe and

into North America, including allegations that a major portion of the KLA

finances are derived from that network, mainly proceeds from drug

trafficking; and

. Terrorist organizations motivated by the ideology of radical Islam,

including assets of Iran and of the notorious Osama bin Laden.

Nevertheless, NATO entered an alliance with the KLA at that time, forged by

Clinton administration figures Madeleine Albright and Richard Holbrooke,

during the bombing of Yugoslavia, looking to depose its president, Slobodan

Milosevic.

Western diplomatic sources fear that a repeat of the March 2004 events is

being prepared as a "contingency option," of radical Albanian circles, in

case U.N.-sponsored talks on Kosovo's final status don't head in the

direction of giving the province full independence and secession from

Serbia. Staged violence may also be used to "push the talks in the right

direction" according to these sources, as a sign that the Kosovo Albanians

"are becoming impatient with their unresolved status."

Kosovo's Islamic extremists have learned that the way to extract concessions

from the West is not in being constructive but destructive. Thus, one of the

main goals in nurturing the relationship with Thaci is to minimize the

potential damage to Western interests in what many expect will be a year of

renewed turmoil in Kosovo.

--------------------------

http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?l=1&id=3955

International Crisis Group

homepage <http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?l=1>
<http://www.crisisgroup.org/img/arrow_grey.gif>  programs
<http://www.crisisgroup.org/img/arrow_grey.gif>  europe
<http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?l=1&id=1162>
<http://www.crisisgroup.org/img/arrow_grey.gif>  balkans
<http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?l=1&id=1239>
<http://www.crisisgroup.org/img/arrow_grey.gif>  kosovo
<http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?l=1&id=1243> 

Click here to view the full report
<http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/getfile.cfm?id=2212&tid=3955&type=pdf&l=1>
as a PDF file in A4 format.
For more information about viewing PDF documents, please click here
<http://www.adobe.com/products/acrobat/> . 
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Kosovo: The Challenge of Transition 
Europe Report N°170 
17 February 2006 

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS

The key issue in the current final status process is the creation of a
Kosovo that will have the greatest chance of lasting stability and
development. While agreement between Belgrade and Pristina remains desirable
in theory, it is extremely unlikely that any Serbian government will
voluntarily acquiesce to the kind of independence, conditional or limited
though it may be, which is necessary for a stable long-term solution. The
international community, and in particular the UN Special Envoy charged with
resolving the status process, Martti Ahtisaari, must accordingly prepare for
the possibility of imposing an independence package for Kosovo, however
diplomatically painful that may be in the short term, rather than hoping to
finesse Pristina and Belgrade’s differences with an ambiguous solution, or
one in which key elements are deferred.

None of this removes any responsibility from Kosovo’s Albanian majority.
They must offer packages of rights for Kosovo’s Serb and other minorities in
at least three areas: central institutions, decentralisation and religious
and cultural heritage. Details of inclusion and representation in core
governing institutions, with arrangements for involvement of the relevant
mother country in fields such as culture, education and possibly more,
should be negotiated with not only Kosovo’s Serb minority but also its
Turks, Bosniaks and others. An agreement on decentralisation, to be brokered
in the first instance by Ahtisaari and his team, could then be implemented
under international oversight for three years, as was done with the Ohrid
Agreement in Macedonia. Pristina’s negotiators should also immediately start
direct negotiation with the Serbian Orthodox Church in Kosovo on a package
of protection arrangements for it and its sites. Only once this groundwork
has been done should the Contact Group be prepared to make concerted, formal
moves toward recognising Kosovo’s independence.

The independence package the international community settles upon Kosovo
should prioritise its social and economic development. Crafting it should be
an opportunity for the European Union and its member states in particular to
expand their commitment, including resources, to the Western Balkans
generally. A generous education assistance program and visa liberalisation
are needed, as is assistance for rural development. The EU must not end up
spending more on its own post-status mission costs in Kosovo than it does on
pre-accession structural funds for the new country. 

While a new UN Security Council resolution will be vital to set Kosovo on a
course of independence from Serbia, any new international mission there
should desirably be based on agreement with the new state, preferably
founded in its constitution. This international presence should have fewer
powers than the High Representative has enjoyed in Bosnia. EU institutions
properly emphasise that they want a Kosovo which can be treated in most
respects as a normal country, with politicians answerable to their own
electorates. But there is one area where the international community should
consider a more intrusive mission: northern Kosovo, and Mitrovica in
particular, where Serb parallel structures defy UNMIK and the provisional
government (PISG) alike. Leaving a new Kosovo government to try to
incorporate the north would invite a violent breakdown. A transitional
international authority there is the only sensible answer.

RECOMMENDATIONS

To Kosovo-Albanian negotiators: 

1.  Produce a plan for forging an inclusive, multi-ethnic state identity for
Kosovo, as a tool with which to engage minority communities and the European
Union. 

2.  Seek opportunities – such as the Basic Principles document published by
the Orthodox Church – to engage Kosovo Serbs in negotiation, not using
Belgrade’s sidelining of them as an excuse for passivity.

To Serbian negotiators: 

3.  Negotiate:

        (a)  the maximum degree of protection for the rights of Kosovo’s
Serbs;

        (b)  more development assistance both for Kosovo’s Serbs and Serbia;
and

        (c)  international and Kosovo-Albanian agreement to an appropriate
range of institutional links between Serbia and Kosovo’s Serbs.

4.  Refrain from sensationalist and nationalist rhetoric.

To Kosovo Serbs: 

5.  Begin developing structures through which to operate as a politically
self-sufficient community within an independent Kosovo, and seek
international support for this.

To UNMIK:

6.  As the mission winds down, maintain – and preferably augment – staff and
resources in the Mitrovica region in particular and engage the Contact Group
and European Union in planning for a new transitional international
authority for north Kosovo. 

To UN Special Envoy Martti Ahtisaari: 

7.  Go earlier rather than later to the UN with a recommendation for
imposing a conditional independence package, if Kosovo’s Albanians have
conscientiously made good offers on minorities, covering inclusion in
central institutions, decentralisation and protection of religious heritage,
rather than hold out for an ambiguous solution, or one in which key elements
are deferred in order to keep Belgrade on board.

To the Contact Group: 

8.  Be prepared to indicate how Kosovo might become independent, including
how this might be implemented in the event of Belgrade’s refusal to agree,
once Albanians have made serious offers to minorities, engaging with them on
inclusion in central institutions, decentralisation and protection of
religious heritage.

9.  Discuss and plan for a north Kosovo transitional international
authority.

To the European Union: 

10.  Plan for social and economic development in post-status Kosovo, with
particular emphasis on education and visa liberalisation and agricultural
development, rather than adopting a purely policing and security agenda.

Pristina/Belgrade/Brussels, 17 February 2006


read media release
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