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  Unscrambling the History of a Nazi Camp 
                  By NICHOLAS WOOD

  Published: December 6, 2006
   
    JASENOVAC, Croatia — As in many of the other former concentration camps 
dotted across Europe, there is little left to indicate the horror that took 
place here. Green fields and avenues of trees have grown up where barracks and 
workshops used to stand; poplars sway gracefully next to the languid Sava 
River, which skirts the camp. 
    Skip to next paragraph      The New York Times
  A new museum has opened at the World War II camp at Jasenovac. 



  But Jasenovac has a doubly haunted history. Not only were thousands of people 
savagely killed here, but for decades their deaths were exploited for political 
purposes. 
  In the 61 years since the camp was closed, Communist and nationalist rulers, 
Serbs and Croats, each pursuing their own ideological goals, have apportioned 
blame differently and pushed the number of those killed up or down by tens of 
thousands. 
  What is indisputable is that from 1941 to 1945, the Nazi puppet rulers in 
Croatia, most of them ethnic Croats, imprisoned hundreds of thousands of Serbs, 
Jews, Gypsies and political opponents here, and that many thousands of the 
prisoners were killed. 
  There were no gas chambers, but there was also no shortage of barbarity. Many 
prisoners had their throats slit or their skulls smashed; others were shot or 
hanged from the trees that lined the Sava. 
  Now, historians and researchers are hopeful that the world can finally get 
closer to the truth of what took place here. At the end of November, Croatia, 
on whose territory most of camp lies, opened a new museum on the site, a 
complex of eight camps. 
  The museum is regarded by many as a test of this young state, which declared 
independence from Yugoslavia in 1991, fought the Serbs for that independence 
for four years, and is now trying to get into the European Union. 
  Croatia seems ready to accept its past, regarding the Croatian-led Nazi 
puppet state as the precursor of today’s independent nation. At the museum’s 
opening on Nov. 27, Prime Minister Ivo Sanader said, “Today’s Croatia does not 
want to stay silent about the dark pages of its past.”
  The distortion appears to have started when Tito ruled Yugoslavia. Historians 
say he was always searching for ways to illustrate the evils of fascism and 
Jasenovac made a convenient target. For decades Yugoslav citizens were told 
that 700,000 people were killed at the camp, a vast majority — some 500,000 — 
Serbs. Gruesome exhibits at the site, some of which were not from Jasenovac, 
were set up to lend credence to this version. 
  In 1991, after Croatia declared independence from Yugoslavia, Serbian forces 
seized the site and took away most of its contents. 
  When Croatian forces reclaimed the area in 1995, the official death toll fell 
to fewer than 40,000. The president of Croatia at the time, Franjo Tudjman, who 
had brought a distinct nationalist hue to politics and history, announced a 
plan to bury at the site the bones of those killed on both sides in World War 
II. 
  But Jasenovac survivors and Jewish groups thwarted that idea, which they saw 
as mixing the remains of victims and perpetrators.
  Mr. Tudjman died in 1999. His party, the Croatian Democratic Union, still 
dominates Croatia but now seeks to jettison its nationalist image. As a result, 
the new exhibition has been organized in cooperation with the United States 
Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington.
  Politicians and curators are aware that their task is to confront ideas 
propagated by Mr. Tudjman, namely, that the Nazi-backed Ustashe was a 
benevolent government forced to fight for the interests of Roman Catholic 
Croats against threats being posed by Communists and Orthodox Christian Serbs.
  Croatia’s current president, Stipe Mesic, noted at the opening ceremony the 
need for continuing vigilance against nationalism.
  “Young people are led to sing songs about the butchers of the Ustashe regime, 
and even the commander of this camp,” Mr. Mesic said, a reference to Thompson, 
one of Croatia’s most popular rock groups, which sings songs supportive of the 
former fascist regime and its anti-Serb policy. 
  The new exhibition is quick to acknowledge the competing views. The wildly 
varying estimates of those killed were “a result of using Jasenovac for 
political purposes,” reads a sign near the entrance. Researchers at the museum 
say they have so far gathered proof that 69,842 people were killed, almost 
19,000 of them children. 
  Many researchers now say the figures put forward by both Serbian nationalists 
and Communists are not valid. Estimates by the United States Holocaust Memorial 
Museum, based on several reviews of the camps’ records, suggest that close to 
97,000 people may have died. Researchers at Serbia’s Museum of Genocide in 
Belgrade, which has access to a Yugoslav survey from 1964, suggest at least 
80,000 died, although they say the full count could be several tens of 
thousands higher, according to the Serbian Orthodox Church committee on 
Jasenovac. 
  At the museum, darkened rooms contain video screens that show testimonies of 
survivors. The names of the dead are listed on ceilings and walls. There is no 
mention of their nationalities, though the museum acknowledges that most were 
Serbs.
  Efraim Zuroff, Jerusalem director of the Simon Wiesenthal Center, who 
attended the opening, worries that there is not enough background information 
given to remind visitors what fascism and separating people by ethnicities and 
religions can do: “There is no context,” he said. “A young person walking in 
there won’t understand how the state came to power and why it targeted those 
people.”
  But the museum’s director said the refusal to lay blame was intended to serve 
a greater good. 
  “You have to remember that Jasenovac was used as an excuse by Serbs in their 
war-crime trials,” said the director, Natasa Jovicic, referring to the violent 
crimes against Croats in the 1990s. “In other countries, where there have not 
been wars, it is different, but here we have to be doubly careful. There is 
nothing here that can be used for political propaganda or hatred.”
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