This reminds me of Serbia's president Tadic: .."Sarkozy may be the first French 
president who seems not to like France. Or at least, to like the United States 
better (from watching television).  He can give the impression of having wanted 
to be president of France not for love of country, but in social revenge 
against it. .."
===========

http://www.counterpunch.com/johnstone03132009.html

French Kissing 
NATO's Global Mission Creep 
By DIANA JOHNSTONE 
NATO, the main overseas arm of the U.S. military-industrial complex, just keeps 
expanding.  Its original raison d’être, the supposedly menacing Soviet bloc, 
has been dead for twenty years.  But like the military-industrial complex 
itself, NATO is kept alive and growing by entrenched economic interests, 
institutional inertia and an official mindset resembling paranoia, with think 
tanks looking around desperately for “threats”. 
This behemoth is getting ready to celebrate its 60th birthday in the twin 
cities of Strasbourg (France) and Kehl (Germany) on the Rhine early in April.  
A special gift is being offered by France’s increasingly unpopular president, 
Nicolas Sarkozy: the return of France to NATO’s “integrated command”.  This 
bureaucratic event, whose practical significance remains unclear, provides the 
chorus of NATOlatrous officials and editorialists something to crow about.  
See, the silly French have seen the error of their ways and returned to the 
fold.
Sarkozy, of course, puts it in different terms.  He asserts that joining the 
NATO command will enhance France’s importance by giving it influence over the 
strategy and operations of an Alliance which it never left, and to which it has 
continued to contribute more than its share of armed forces.
The flaw in that argument is that it was the totally unshakable U.S. control of 
NATO’s integrated command that persuaded General Charles de Gaulle to leave in 
the first place, back in March 1966. De Gaulle did not do so on a whim.  He had 
tried to change the decision-making process and found it impossible. The Soviet 
threat had diminished, and de Gaulle did not want to be dragged into wars he 
thought unnecessary, such as the U.S. effort to win a war in Indochina that 
France had already lost and considered unwinnable.  He wanted France to be able 
to pursue its own interests in the Middle East and Africa.  Besides, the US 
military presence in France stimulated “Yankee go home” demonstrations.  
Transferring the NATO command to Belgium satisfied everyone.
Sarkozy’s predecessor Jacques Chirac, wrongly labeled “anti-American” by US 
media, was already willing to rejoin the NATO command if he could get something 
substantial in return, such as NATO’s Mediterranean command. The United States 
flatly refused.
Instead, Sarkozy is settling for crumbs: assignment of senior French officers 
to a command in Portugal and to some training base in the United States.  
“Nothing was negotiated. Two or three more French officers in position to take 
orders from the Americans changes nothing”, observed former French foreign 
minister Hubert Védrine at a recent colloquium on France and NATO.
Sarkozy announced the return on March 11, six days before the issue is to be 
debated by the French National Assembly.  The protests from both sides of the 
aisle will be in vain.
There appear to be two main causes of this unconditional surrender. 
One is the psychology of Sarkozy himself, whose love for the most superficial 
aspects of the United States was expressed in his embarrassing speech to the 
U.S. Congress in November 2007. Sarkozy may be the first French president who 
seems not to like France. Or at least, to like the United States better (from 
watching television).  He can give the impression of having wanted to be 
president of France not for love of country, but in social revenge against it.  
From the start, he has shown himself eager to “normalize” France, that is, to 
remake it according to the American model.   
The other, less obvious but more objective cause is the recent expansion of the 
European Union.  The rapid absorption of all the former Eastern European 
satellites, plus the former Soviet Republics of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, 
has drastically changed the balance of power within the EU itself.  The core 
founding nations, France, Germany, Italy and the Benelux countries, are no long 
able to steer the Union toward a unified foreign and security policy. After 
France and Germany refused to go along with the invasion of Iraq, Donald 
Rumsfeld dismissed them as “old Europe” and gloated over the willingness of  
“new Europe” to follow the United States lead.  Britain to the west, and the 
“new” European satellites to the East are both more attached to the United 
States politically and emotionally than they are to the European Union that 
took them in and provided them with considerable economic development aid and a 
veto over major policy
 issues. 
This expansion effectively buried the longstanding French project to build a 
European defense force that could act outside the NATO command.  The rulers of 
Poland and the Baltic States want U.S. defense, by way of NATO, period.  They 
would never accept the French project of an EU defense not tied to NATO and the 
United States.
France has its own military-industrial complex, totally dwarfed by the one in 
the United States, but the largest in Western Europe.  Any such complex needs 
export markets for its arms industry.  The best potential market would have 
been independent European armed forces.  Without that prospect, some may hope 
that joining the integrated command can open NATO markets to French military 
products.
A slim hope, however.  The United States jealously guards major NATO 
procurements for its own industry.  France is unlikely to have much influence 
within NATO for the same reason it is giving up its attempt to build an 
independent European army.  The Europeans themselves are deeply divided.  With 
Europe divided, the United States rules.  Moreover, with the economic crisis 
deepening, money is running short for weaponry.
>From the viewpoint of French national interest, this feeble hope for marketing 
>military hardware is vastly outweighed by the disastrous political 
>consequences of Sarkozy’s act of allegiance.
It is true that even outside the NATO integrated command, France’s independence 
was only relative.  France followed the United States into the first Gulf War – 
President François Mitterrand vainly hoped thereby to gain influence in 
Washington, the usual mirage that beckons allies into dubious U.S. operations.  
France joined the 1999 NATO war against Yugoslavia, despite misgivings at the 
highest levels.  But in 2003, President Jacques Chirac and his foreign minister 
Dominique de Villepin actually made use of their independence by rejecting the 
invasion of Iraq.  It is generally acknowledged that the French stand enabled 
Germany to do the same.  Belgium followed.
Villepin’s February 14, 2003, speech to the UN Security Council giving priority 
to disarmament and peace over war won a rare standing ovation.  The Villepin 
speech was hugely popular around the world, and greatly enhanced French 
prestige, especially in the Arab world.  But back in Paris, the personal hatred 
between Sarkozy and Villepin has reached operatic heights of passion, and one 
can suspect that Sarkozy’s return to NATO obedience is also an act of personal 
revenge.
The worst political effect is much broader.  The impression is now created that 
“the West”, Europe and North America, are barricading themselves by a military 
alliance against the rest of the world.  In retrospect, the French dissent 
accomplished a service to the whole West by giving the impression, or the 
illusion, that independent thought and action were still possible, and that 
someone in Europe might listen to what other parts of the world thought and 
said.  Now, this “closing of ranks”, hailed by the NATO champions as “improving 
our security”, will sound the alarms in the rest of the world.  The empire 
seems to be closing its ranks in order to rule the world.  The United States 
and its allies do not openly claim to rule the world, only to regulate it. The 
West controls the world’s financial institutions, the IMF and the World Bank.  
It controls the judiciary, the International Criminal Court, which in six years 
of existence has
 put on trial only one obscure Congolese warlord and brought charges against 12 
other persons, all of them Africans – while meanwhile the United States causes 
the deaths of hundreds of thousands, or even millions, of people in Iraq and 
Afghanistan and supports Israel’s ongoing aggression against the Palestinian 
people.  To the rest of the world, NATO is just the armed branch of this 
enterprise of domination.  And this at a time when the Western-dominated system 
of financial capitalism is bringing the world economy to collapse.
         
This gesture of “showing Western unity” for “our security” can only make the 
rest of the world feel insecure.  Meanwhile, NATO moves every day to surround 
Russia with military bases and hostile alliances, notably in Georgia.  Despite 
the smiles over dinner with her Russian counterpart, Sergei Lavrov, Hillary 
Clinton repeats the stunning mantra that “spheres of influence are not 
acceptable” – meaning, of course, that the historic Russian sphere of interest 
is unacceptable, while the United States is vigorously incorporating it into 
its own sphere of influence, called NATO. 
Already China and Russia are increasing their defense cooperation.  The 
economic interests and institutional inertia of NATO are pushing the world 
toward a pre-war lineup far more dangerous than the Cold War.
The lesson NATO refuses to learn is that its pursuit of enemies creates 
enemies.  The war against terrorism fosters terrorism.  Surrounding Russian 
with missiles proclaimed “defensive” – when any strategist knows that a shield 
accompanied by a sword is also an offensive weapon – will create a Russian 
enemy.  
The Search for Threats
To prove to itself that it is really “defensive”, NATO keeps looking for 
threats.  Well, the world is a troubled place, thanks in large part to the sort 
of economic globalization imposed by the United States over the past decades.  
This might be the time to be undertaking diplomatic and political efforts to 
work out internationally agreed ways of dealing with such problems as global 
economic crisis, climate change, energy use, hackers (“cyberwar”).  NATO think 
tanks are pouncing on these problems as new “threats” to be dealt with by 
NATO.  This leads to a militarization of policy-making where it should be 
demilitarized.
         
For example, what can it mean to meet the supposed threat of climate change 
with military means?  The answer seems obvious: military force may be used in 
some way against the populations forced from their homes by drought or 
flooding. Perhaps, as in Darfur, drought will lead to clashes between ethnic or 
social groups.  Then NATO can decide which is the “good” side and bomb the 
others.  That sort of thing.
The world indeed appears to be heading into a time of troubles.  NATO appears 
getting read to deal with these troubles by using armed force against unruly 
populations.
This will be evident at NATO’s 60th anniversary celebration in Strasbourg/Kehl 
on April 3 and 4.
The cities will be turned into armed camps. Residents of the tranquil city of 
Strasbourg are obliged to apply for badges in order to leave or enter their own 
homes during the happy event.  At crucial times, they will not be allowed to 
leave home at all, except under emergency circumstances.  Urban transport will 
be brought to a standstill.  The cities will be as dead as if they had been 
bombed, to allow the NATO dignitaries to put on a show of peace.
The high point is to be a ten-minute photo op when French and German leaders 
shake hands on the bridge over the Rhine connected Strasbourg and Kehl.  As if 
Angela Merkel and Nicolas Sarkozy were making peace between France and Germany 
for the first time.   The locals are to be locked up so as not to disturb the 
charade.
NATO will be behaving as though the biggest threat it faces is the people of 
Europe.  And the biggest threat to the people of Europe may well be NATO.
Diana Johnstone is author of Fools’ Crusade: Yugoslavia, NATO and Western 
Delusions (Monthly Review Press).
She can be reached at diana.jo...@yahoo.fr



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