Kosovo struggles to unite after ICJ ruling 

 

Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift: Like any newborn, Kosovo faces 
a period of adjustment 
<http://www.dw-world.de/popups/popup_lupe/0,,5915794,00.html> 


The legitimacy of Kosovar independence won out in last month's trial at the 
International Court of Justice, but uniting the country under one flag - and 
government - is proving a difficult task.


 

They stand in the center of Kosovo's capital, Pristina – enormous yellow 
block-letters spelling out a simple word: Newborn. When the installation was 
put in place in February 2008, it was a bold, bright assertion of Kosovo's new 
identity. The territory had just unilaterally declared independence from Serbia 
and the atmosphere was euphoric. Kosovo's Albanian majority had long felt 
stifled by the grip of Belgrade – ethnic Albanian separatists had fought a 
devastating war with Serbs in the 1990s – and finally, their long struggle for 
autonomy had been granted.

But two and a half years on, the yellow letters have been defaced by graffiti 
and they look scratched and grimey. The gloss of independence night has faded 
as Kosovo's population has begun to realise the scale of the challenges facing 
what most see as their new country.

Bildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift:  
<http://www.dw-world.de/popups/popup_lupe/0,,5915794_ind_1,00.html>  The people 
in this apartment building reckon they're in Serbia 

Many holdouts

Most, but not all. Kosovo's Serb minority largely reject the secession and many 
refuse to cooperate with what they see as an illegal self-proclaimed 
government. The Ibar River ethnically divides Kosovo's northern city of 
Mitrovica: in the Serb-dominated north, Pristina still exercises virtually no 
control. Serbian flags flutter above buildings, the local currency is the 
Serbian 'dinar' and Belgrade-backed 'parallel institutions' are in place. Cross 
the river to the south, and the majority is Albanian.

Bildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift:  
<http://www.dw-world.de/popups/popup_lupe/0,,5915794_ind_2,00.html>  She has a 
new country, but hasn't gone anywhere“I've lived in Serbia until now”, 
thirty-five year old Diana tells me as she carries her baby daughter down the 
main street in North Mitrovica. “I can't say I'm living in a different state. 
The situation is bad for us”, she says, “there's no security.” “I think the 
north will never be part of the independent republic of Kosovo”, says another 
woman, “just like the rest of Kosovo will no longer be part of Serbia.”

Ignoring the ruling

Many Serbs here are disappointed by last month's decision by the International 
Court of Justice in the Hague (ICJ), which found that Kosovo's declaration of 
independence from Serbia did not violate international law. The court's opinion 
was sought by Serbia, which still considers Kosovo its own southern province 
and the cradle of Serbian culture. Belgrade has vowed to fight on, but Pristina 
hopes the court's decision will persuade countries that have not yet recognised 
Kosovo to change tack. 

Kosovo's attempts to present itself as a fully-functional, self-sufficient 
state are hampered not only by resistance from the north but also by 
corruption, said by international observers to be widespread and institutional. 
A recent anti-corruption drive has been led by Kosovo's large European Union 
rule of law mission, EULEX, backed up by local bodies. 

Sensitive issues

The offices of Kosovo's telecoms agency, PTK, were raided last month and, in a 
separate operation, the Central Bank Governor was arrested on allegations of 
fraud. But when EULEX began investigating the Minister of Transport – an old 
ally of Kosovo's Prime Minister, Hashim Thaci – the government reacted badly. 
So, I ask the Prime Minister, is he protecting former colleagues, rather than 
being frank and open with the population?Bildunterschrift: Großansicht des 
Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift:  
<http://www.dw-world.de/popups/popup_lupe/0,,5915794_ind_3,00.html>  EULEX 
police can mount raids but their powers are limited

“I will not protect anyone”, he tells me. “The law will be without compromise 
for all those who violate it. The past gives immunity to nobody.”

I put to him findings from reports which show that most of the population doubt 
the government's commitment to the rule of law. 

“This the first government that has started fighting corruption after ten years 
of closing our eyes to this phenomenon”, he says. “It isn't an easy or a short 
battle. But it's a battle I'm convinced we will win.”

So would he support any corruption probe which moves from the Minister of 
Transport further – and perhaps higher – into his government? 

“Of course”, he replies. “I will lead the war against corruption.”

Same old

Bildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift:  
<http://www.dw-world.de/popups/popup_lupe/0,,5915794_ind_4,00.html>  Deda is 
skeptical that anti-corruption efforts will bear fruit 

But critics say the rhetoric doesn't match the reality. “The entire corruptive 
activities happen within our government”, says Ilir Deda, director of the 
political think-tank, KIPRED. “There is no political will to fight corruption 
because it would mean that the political establishment would have to start 
fighting itself.”

“What we've heard in the past eleven years is praise for Kosovo – that it's 
going in the right direction. But we don't think it is”, he says. “The endemic 
problems are not getting solved and number one here is political corruption.” 
He argues the international community must reduce its presence in Kosovo and 
“allow our political elite to fail and then own up to the results they deliver.”

Bildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift:  
<http://www.dw-world.de/popups/popup_lupe/0,,5915794_ind_5,00.html>  At least 
the passports in Kosovo work properly

Hope remains 

In a modern Pristina office, high-tech machines implant electronic chips into 
the new Kosovan passports; the gold stamp of the Republic of Kosovo proudly set 
against a dark-blue background. It's a process held up by the European 
Commission as a model of sophistication and efficiency. In some areas, Kosovo 
indeed functions well. Sixty-nine countries have recognised it, it's a member 
of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank and, since the ICJ ruling, it 
has renewed momentum. But state-building is a slow and difficult process. And 
Kosovo has deep-rooted problems to solve. 

Author: Mark Lowen
Editor: Matt Hermann

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