The struggle for sovereignty of South Sudan joint effort

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By Jacob K. Lupai

March 30, 2013 - This is a response to a series of parts of article,
Rebuttal to Mr. Jacob K. Lupai’s advice on Issues Raised in Equatoria
Conference 2013, by my valued friend, Ateny Wek Ateny, in his column,
Beating The Drum of Truth in The Citizen Newspaper (March 21, March 23
and of March 24, 2013).

I couldn’t have agreed more with my friend that the discussion on
Equatoria Conference was indeed becoming boring while there could have
been other pressing issues of common interest that needed attention.
It was also becoming monotonous as no new argument was being made. It
was better to move on.

For my part revisiting the series under the heading Rebuttal to Mr.
Jacob K. Lupai’s advice on Issues Raised in Equatoria Conference 2013
is to make a couple of critical observations and hopefully this will
not be too boring to the esteemed readers. If it is the case I offer
my apology.

There are some over exaggerated assumptions especially in the
liberation struggle that are nothing but erroneous and grossly
misleading. This was apparently to promote other regions to the
highest level of patriotism. However, the reality on the ground as
testified by those who were in the frontline seems to suggest that the
claim “we liberated you” at best is an intimidation. It is a myth
invented as a tool to silence any dissenting voice. However, the fact
is that all southerners liberated themselves.

The struggle for sovereignty of South Sudan was a joint effort by all
in their different ways. The 98.43 per cent of people who voted for
South Sudan sovereignty in the referendum on 9 January 2011 is
evidence of the joint effort. It is therefore mind boggling for others
to claim erroneously that “we liberated you”.

SPLM membership

I was an active supporter of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement
(SPLM). Through pen and paper I made this abundantly clear. As my
friend Ateny said, in the United Kingdom the SPLM Chapter was based in
London but I was the leader of SPLM supporters in Reading, a town
between London and Oxford. I was also the leader of Equatoria SPLM
Support Group. This was to distinguish between supporters and those
who were hostile to the SPLM.

As a matter of principle the Equatoria SPLM Support Group stood firm.
This stand earned some of us name calling but this never moved us an
inch. We were outspoken in support of the SPLM.

When a high level SPLM delegation visited the United Kingdom from
their bases in South Sudan I was chosen to chair the meeting in London
between the visiting SPLM delegation and the community. The SPLM
delegation included Salva Kiir Mayardit, Elijah Malok, Pagan Amum and
Tahir Bior.

What captured my attention in the meeting was when Salva Kiir Mayardit
said the split in the SPLM/A in 1991 caused massive and unnecessary
causalities more than those caused by the enemy. He narrated how they
had to advance rapidly through the line of fire from fellow
southerners to escape being trapped. Salva’s plea was for southerners
to be united.

Later on in the residence of Stephen Baak, the SPLM Representative in
the United Kingdom and Northern Ireland, we heard about the liberation
effort and enjoyed the cracking of jokes. I realized that life in the
frontline would have been miserable without jokes.

As an SPLM activist when I came to Juba in 2006 I was enthusiastic to
meet with Salva Kiir Mayardit and at least to greet my President with
a hand shake. I was accompanied to the President’s Office by my friend
Hon Anthony Makana who was then the Minister of Commerce, Trade and
Supply in the Government of Southern Sudan.

I filled a form to see the President. As an SPLM activist I felt it
would not be difficult to see Salva Kiir Mayardit. I was mistaken. The
SPLM probably did not have me in their records as an SPLM activist.
Sadly I left for the United Kingdom neither meeting with the President
nor greeting him with a hand shake and to offer a word of
congratulation.

To my friend Ateny I am still the same Jacob Lupai he saw in the 90s
in the United Kingdom. I am not recruited into Equatorianism which I
think is partly the product of my friend’s negative thinking. In his
imagination my friend Ateny concluded that the Equatoria Conference
was at best the revival of Kokora or rebellion at worse.

As a positive thinker the Equatoria Conference had nothing to do with
Kokora or rebellion as my friend would like people to believe. Kokora
is history and should not be associated with a genuine and progressive
demand for a fairer system of governance.

With regard to SPLM membership I am a member and hold a membership
card. In addition 5 per cent of my salary is being deducted every
month for the upkeep of the SPLM. Recently 10 per cent of my salary
was deducted for the SPLM plus the 5 per cent mentioned above. I hope
my friend Ateny will now know that I have not been recruited to any
other political .party. I stand by the SPLM Manifesto 2012 which only
needs the SPLM to adhere to it rigorously for a better South Sudan.

The struggle for sovereignty

My friend Ateny claimed in part that without Bahr el Ghazal (his
native region) in the 1990s/2005, there would have been no sovereign
South Sudan (The Citizen, Sunday, March 24, 2013 – Vol. 7. Issue 414).
Let me not prejudice the reader but is my friend really serious.
According to one witness account of battles in the frontline, the
elevation of Bahr el Ghazal to a prominent position claimed without
which South Sudan sovereignty would not have been realized, is nothing
but extremely an over exaggeration.

According to the informant the incursion of the SPLA into Equatoria
and the subsequent realization of South Sudan sovereignty took
concerted joint effort. The first ever SPLA incursion into Equatoria
took place in 1985 by Bee Battalion under the overall command of
Martin Manyel from Bahr el Ghazal. Commander Manyel was assisted by
officers from Equatoria commanding smaller units such as companies. In
the incursion into Equatoria there was also Niran Battalion under the
command of Tahir Bior from Upper Nile. The two Battalions, Bee and
Niran, were under the overall command of Nachuluk Nashigak also from
Upper Nile. In 1986 Tingili Battalion under the command of Glario Modi
Wurinyang from Equatoria was active in Torit area.

In 1986 Muksasa and Tafeng Battalions under the overall command of
Alfred Lado Gore from Equatoria were active in Kapoeta area but later
proceeded to Torit. Sakus Brigade was under the overall command of
James Wani Igga from Equatoria where John Kong Nyon from Upper Nile
was a battalion commander under Wani. Under James Wani Igga the Sakus
Brigade came to Central Equatoria where a training centre was
established at Morta. The centre trained recruits from all over
Equatoria.

Before reaching Morta in Central Equatoria in 1987, SPLA soldiers who
were under the overall command of James Wani Igga deserted to their
respective areas of Bahr el Ghazal and Upper Nile. This left Commander
Wani with less than a battalion. If it was not for the training in
Morta which produced battalions of soldiers, Central and Western
Equatoria would have been under enemy control until 1997.

All of the recruits trained in Morta were mostly Equatorians. With the
massive desertion of SPLA soldiers to Bahr el Ghazal from Equatoria,
how the sovereignty of South Sudan could have been realized without
the active participation of Equatoria is a mystery. By my friend’s
admission Equatoria was a contested area by the Sudan Armed Forces
(SAF). With desertion in the SPLA ranks and the split, it was obvious
that without Equatorians, sovereignty of South Sudan would have been
indeed a distant dream.

After coming from a military conference in 1995 in Lotuke (Moyo Sokon)
in Didinga area in Equatoria, Thomas Cirillo from Equatoria was
appointed Division 6 Commander with Abraham Wani also from Equatoria
as his Deputy. Division 6 was for Central Equatoria and carried out
massive recruitment all over Central Equatoria. The recruits were
taken to Morta training centre. Gier Chuang Aluong from Upper Nile was
commanding Division 7 for Western Equatoria with Augustino Jadalla as
his Deputy. As expected Division 7 made recruitment in Western
Equatoria.

Military operations

In military operations forces under the command of Augustino Jadalla
attacked Yei and captured it from the SAF. Similarly forces from
Western Equatoria under the command of Gier Chuang Aluong attacked
Alero and captured it. Forces from Division 6 under the command of
Thomas Cirillo and Abraham Wani attacked from Gimunu in Yei County
driving out the SAF up to Mile 40 in Juba County. This was the final
episode in the liberation struggle when the enemy never returned to
those areas captured by the SPLA until the Comprehensive Peace
Agreement of 2005.

>From the above scenarios where Bahr el Ghazal hardly features, it is
difficult to understand how my friend Ateny could claim that without
Bahr el Ghazal there would have been no sovereign South Sudan today. I
hope my friend will not tell us that Operation Thunderbolt with
combined forces that, in 1997, captured Rumbek, Yirol and Tonj, were
only composed of forces from Bahr el Ghazal as evidence of his claim
that Bahr el Ghazal was the key in realizing South Sudan sovereignty.

In 1999 forces from Divisions 6 and 7 were dispatched to Eastern Sudan
under the command of Thomas Cirillo and Abraham Wani, all from
Equatoria. Those forces rapidly captured areas in Eastern Sudan such
as Hamsokoreb. The SPLA military operations spearheaded by Equatorians
in Eastern Sudan was a contributory factor in forcing the enemy to
realize that the game was over and so peace negotiations were
accelerated.

My friend Ateny mentioned Gier Chuang Aluong, John Kong Nyuon, James
Hoth and Uyai Deng Ajak all from Upper Nile as commanders commanding
troops from Bahr el Ghazal in the Equatoria land. This is interesting.
How could the mentioned commanders from Upper Nile be commanding
troops from Bahr el Ghazal when most of the troops from Bahr el Ghazal
had already deserted from Equatoria land? Were there no troops from
Upper Nile or from Equatoria for those commanders to command?

It should be appreciated that Equatorians were the ones in the
frontline and the most advancing group. To down play the highly
significant role played by Equatoria in the liberation struggle is at
best an illusion.

System of governance

My friend Ateny was disappointed with me because of my support for a
federal system which he equates with Kokora. From his critical
analysis, which I have not seen, my friend considers a federal system
the revival of Kokora or a rebellion against the constitution and the
government.

There seems to be no room allowed for an intellectual debate where
advantages and disadvantages of a federal system are laid out clearly
for informed consensus. Dictatorship seems to be creeping into our
mentality where some want to force their words into others mouths.
People need to have the opportunity to weigh the advantages and
disadvantages to decide which side outweighs the other. The aim is to
reach a consensus as a way forward.

Arguably if considered carefully a federal system is not harmful to
nation building and national unity. I am impressed with the
Switzerland’s model of a federal government. The Swiss model does not
need to be adopted wholesale but could be adapted to different
situations. The basic demand for a federal system is recognition of
diversities, empowerment of people and acceleration of development for
a better quality of life.

In South Sudan we can have three levels of government, federal, state
and county. Each level will have a constitution and the three
constitutions should not be in conflict. Challenges in South Sudan are
numerous and a federal system could be the answer. This is because
people will be empowered to take appropriate decisions and actions to
address satisfactorily their pressing issues of poverty, development
and security.

I hope this piece has enlightened people on the liberation struggle in
contrast to the bogus and mythical claim “we liberated you” propagated
continuously by simple minds. It should be well understood that nobody
liberated anybody but it was the joint effort in the various ways that
liberated all of us. Providing tactical half truth and strategically
indulging in perpetual denial for the mere glorification of one’s
region or tribe is not helpful in building a strong united nation that
all call home. National unity calls for prudence.

Beating the drum of war is not helpful either. The negative thinkers
and the prophets of doom are already busy speculating that Equatoria
is planning to break away. The negatives got their license from
Equatoria Conference 2013 where a federal system was strongly
emphasized. The sound of war drum is now loud when, for example,
somebody said it will take Equatoria 100 years to break away from
South Sudan to become the Republic of Equatoria. The implication is
that Equatoria has no right to do anything but must share in silence
the challenges South Sudan is incapable of addressing.

To my friend Ateny who thinks I have become a regionalist, I would
like to ascertain that my nationality is South Sudanese as confirmed
by my nationality certificate and passport. I am also proud to be
identified as an Equatorian. Those who are shy to identify with their
region or tribe is not my problem. Nationalism does not deny anybody
identifying with their region or tribe. We wouldn’t like to create an
artificial nationalism while in fact people are too tribalistic. If I
were to contest for the presidency of South Sudan I would use
federalism in my campaign.

In conclusion, although Equatorians may be seen to be as naïve,
mistaken for cowards, by all means they are not daft. As South
Sudanese we should encourage an intellectual debate on a federal
system to avoid an unpredictable behavior that may cause a type of
volcanic eruption of unknown magnitude which will eventually shatter
national unity. Hopefully the majority sensible South Sudanese do not
want to go down that route as the tiny minority warmongers would like
to.

The author can be reached at [email protected]

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