Public finance reform in South Sudan: What needs to be done?

“South Sudan's Minister of Finance and Economic Planning Kosti Manibe
Ngai (L) signs the treaty to become IMF's newest member as US State
Department Treaty Analyst Francis Holleran (R) looks on at the State
Department, April 18, 2012 in Washington”. Photo: IMF/AP

By Asha Abdel Rahim (South Sudan Economic Association)

April 15, 2013 (SSNA) -- An effective state is a state that is able to
mobilize resources and to spend it on infrastructure, services and
public goods that both enhance well-being of its citizens and their
human capital. With its management of public finance it ensures that
macro-economic balance is maintained: Its policy is neither too
accommodative to generate high inflation and to crowd out private
investment, nor is it too restrictive to discourage private
investment. Fiscal issues are thus at the heart of the state's role in
the development process. Policy failures in taxation, public
expenditure or management of fiscal deficit and public debt can easily
undermine growth and poverty reduction.

The importance of establishing a fiscal policy in Southern Sudan was
identified as key both in the first development plan under the CPA -
the Joint Assessment Mission (JAM) of 2005) and in the Development
Plan of 2011. No public policy can be implemented without public
resources. Donors supported this process strongly. Based on the
immense task of rebuilding the institutions, and considering the
length of the preceding conflict and the very low level of
development, a chance was seen to make a clean sweep and to establish
a modern public sector and a fiscal policy structure by using
international 'best practices' of fiscal management, including new
instruments such as a Medium-Term Expenditure Framework (MTEF), the
establishment of an Autonomous Revenue Agency and an Integrated
Financial Management Information System (IFMIS). The JAM (2005)
recommended that core fiduciary services such as auditing, accounting
and procurement be contracted out to international firms.

These instruments are part of a new approach to public management that
has been strongly pushed by IMF and World Bank and implemented in a
number of African countries. These are inspired by successful reforms
in countries such as New Zealand and basically are guided by the
introduction of private sector management principles to public
management:

privatization of public enterprises,
separation of policy and implementation functions by creating
executive agencies and decentralizing responsibility for service
delivery,
giving public managers greater autonomy in the use of resources and in
staffing by liberating them from bureaucratic controls,
aligning incentives for agencies and personnel with policy goals by
using personal performance contracts and performance related pay,
mechanisms to ensure feedback from and accountability to the public by
creating opportunities for exit (by access to alternative private and
public providers) and voice (through e. g. client surveys and
participation of representatives on management boards), and
competitive pressures through compulsory tendering, internal markets
and benchmarking of performance between service delivery units

All of these principles involve major, sophisticated, wide-ranging,
and costly, reforms. While they promise major gains, they also incur
substantial risks. These approaches and practices have been developed
in industrial countries and are advocated on a major scale in
developing countries, also for South Sudan.

MTEFs are increasingly common within Eastern and Southern Africa. By
encompassing all expenditures they provide a linking framework and
facilitate the management of policies and budget realities to reduce
expenditure pressure throughout the budget cycle. The result is
supposed to be a generally better control of expenditure and a better
value for money within a hard budget constraint.

An IFMIS is a common computerized financial system used in government
offices. It often includes government ministries, departments and
agencies and may be extended to regional and local governments. It has
a single database in which the financial transactions are recorded, a
uniform coding structure for the analysis of the transactions, and the
possibility of entering each transaction only once. It usually
comprises the core modules of budgeting, cash and debt management and
accounting, and in some cases ancillary components such as payroll and
procurement.

The traditional way of organizing central government revenue
collection is to let it be handled by units within the Ministry of
Finance. However, over the past decade several countries in the region
and beyond have implemented comprehensive reforms of their tax
administrations by introducing semi-autonomous revenue authorities.
The choice of a revenue authority model aims partly to limit direct
political interference by the Ministry of Finance, and partly to free
the revenue administration from the constraints of the civil service
system.

As argued above, these modern approaches are sophisticated and have
high demands on finance and manpower. They have been developed in
industrial countries over a longer term and typically in a piecemeal
and learning by doing manner. These modern approaches and computer
packages are now available to developing countries and offer them, at
least theoretically, a chance to 'leapfrog' decades of costly learning
and slow change. However, they also imply serious risks. They may be
overly complex, not sustainable, and they create dependence on
imported skills. They may also undermine local ownership that is vital
for sustainable development and for effective learning.

Their success has therefore, not surprisingly, been quite mixed in the
context of developing countries. Many countries have implemented some
of these concepts, but overall successful public expenditure
management reform cannot be dissociated from more fundamental
institutional reforms within government. Such reforms serving the need
for transparent and clean financial management are especially
pertinent in post-conflict as in mineral-resource based economies such
as South Sudan. These two contexts are discussed in the following
paragraphs.

History shows that the risk for post-conflict countries to fall back
into conflict is very high. To reduce this risk, policy reform, aid
for development, and improved access to global markets are important.
As mentioned above, because of the low level of administrative
competence, it is not sensible to attempt reform across a broad front.
Nevertheless, practice tends to result in exactly this, due to the
combination of a very weak capacity to manage, coordinate and lead
policy processes by government and the diverse interests of
international cooperation partners that limit the scope for donor
coordination, despite all the rhetoric. South Sudan is a textbook
example.

What is the experience of public finance reform in Africa? A recent
analysis of 31 public finance management reform efforts has three key
findings:

Budgets are made better than they are executed (budget preparation
processes are comparatively stronger than budget execution and
oversight processes) - a fact that seriously questions the success of
PFM reforms;
Practice in budgets execution lags behind the creation of processes
and laws (laws and processes may be in place but seldom affect actual
behavior); and
Actor concentration pays off (processes are stronger when narrower,
concentrated sets of actors are involved in implementation):

Countries were – according to these studies - significantly different.
However, they have alarmingly similar reform packages in place. 'Best
practice' has been applied in a largely non-contextual manner. This
creates new problems in administrations.

Critiques point out that instruments such as MTEFs act as a huge
distraction to good basic budgeting, with questionable results and
much wasted resources. Instead of the risky approach of major reforms
and fundamental change an organic and incremental change is advised.
Tried and tested reforms should be applied and the use of local
experts rather than of international consultants should be preferred,
because only they really understand their systems. Critics also point
to stringent conditions being necessary for the successful application
of MTEFs, but these conditions are often absent - all the more in
post-conflict countries: they need to be diagnostic rather than
formulaic, to be based on clear, affordable and consistent national
and sectoral policies (OPM 2010, Wynne 2010).

How is the experience in South Sudan? A first-hand experience in
building up and assisting planning and budgeting systems in Southern
Sudan is reported by Davies and Smith (2010). The World Bank has done
a PFM assessment, covering the Interim-CPA period (GoSS 2011). The
report points out that on a positive side, the budget is now prepared
with due regard to government policy: The budget classification
indicates the purpose of spending, the budget documents are
comprehensive and of high quality, and these are publicly available.
First steps have been taken to strengthen tax administration and to
establish an electronic payroll system, and the Audit Chamber is being
strengthened.

Well-targeted technical assistance is said to have played a strong
role. Rising skills capacity at the MoFEP is said to enable a
decreasing reliance on foreign technical assistance. However, there
are no indications for this in the underlying analysis. The entire
report does not focus at all on means and progress of capacity
building.

However, many challenges remain: Aggregate and spending agency
expenditure outturns tend to be significantly different from the
approved budgets. Constitutional and legal controls regarding changes
in relation to the approved budget appear not to be fully adhered to.
In-year predictability in regard of availability of funds is low.
Payment arrears are building up because the MoFEP felt obliged to make
payments as contracts had been signed and procured goods and services
were received, although these positions were not yet included in the
budget - most obvious grain and dura for food reserves in 2007 were
contracted and procured outside the approved budget. Public
procurement systems tend to lack transparency: despite of regulations
emphasizing the use of competitive procurement methods in practice
single source procurement is the norm. Some internal control systems
appear less than robust - control procedures either are not in place
or are not complied with.

Generally speaking, downstream PFM areas as budget execution, budget
accounting and some internal budgetary control systems are still weak,
resulting in budgets that are not credible (i.e. not realistic nor
implemented as intended). The overriding issues are capacity
constraints: improvements in systems can only take place at the pace
that capacity and capability constraints permit.

The JAM (2005) recommendation to contract out core fiduciary services
as audit, accounting and procurement to international firms was
implemented. However, GoSS' experience in contracting out has been
varied. While government had supported the process of contracting out
key services, it had very limited capacity to design and manage the
contracts: even with World Bank administered contracts, government had
limited capacity to ensure that the contract design and performance
met its own needs. Lengthy World Bank procurement procedures and
limited government capacity to follow them led to significant delays.
Costs were not only lost service delivery, but also diminished
incentives for government to build its own capacity and structures.
Capacity development was generally inadequately addressed: It was not
at the center of design, and no exit strategy was formulated. This
shows that inappropriate design can undermine effectiveness of
contracting out. Furthermore, contracting outsiders proved not to be
heap. As a better alternative, contracting the diaspora in temporary
capacity has been recommended (Davies 2009).

The overall situation and progress in procurement has been evaluated
in the recent South Sudan Procurement Assessment Report. The legal
framework for public procurement is the Interim Public Procurement and
Disposal Regulation (IPPDR), approved by the Council of Ministers in
2006. However, it has not been passed by Parliament, which creates
some doubts on its legality. Further, it has some legal shortcomings.
More importantly, a high amount of public entities fails to use the
IPPDR - some even do not know about it.

The Procurement Policy Unit (PPU) of the MoFEP has limited capacity to
exercise its statutory role to guide and supervise the process. There
is a clear lack of unambiguous legislative and regulatory framework
establishing and assigning normative/regulatory functions and defining
clear procedures. Monitoring and information tools are also lacking,
as are resources and an adequate level of independence and authority
to exercise these functions. There are major weaknesses in all steps
of the procurement process. There is no established practice for
quality control, and cases of mismanagement are frequent. Although
capability in processing procurement has been increasing since 2005,
it still does not meet the required level. At the state level, a
number of targeted states have established procurement units. However,
these are not operational and staffs have little if any experience.

On a broader note, the World Bank report states that the private
sector is still dominated by traders with a short term profit
orientation and a lacking business and management expertise. The legal
framework is not satisfactory and legislation that has been passed is
far from being implemented. Infrastructure is poor and complex and
unclear import regulation and customs systems result in high and
non-transparent transport costs and long transport duration.

Budgetary control is another weak point as yet. The Audit Chamber does
not yet have its full capacity. Parliament members do not yet have
capacity and competence to critically assess the budget and its
execution.

An important first step to systematize the budget process has been
done by fixing a budget cycle. However, it is worrying that the time
window for discussions in parliament in the resp. committee and then
in the full parliament is limited to only a maximum of 6 weeks
(February - mid March). In such a short period parliament will not be
able to give as comprehensive an attention to the budget as its role
requires.

The results suggest that instead of wholesale reforms prioritization
and sequencing of reforms would be beneficial. Most importantly, such
reasoning should be based on the local context. There are limits to
the use of international 'best practice', and each of these practices
have been successful only in a specific local context. For most of the
economic policy reforms, 'best practices' cannot be applied in a
general, non-contextual manner.

A major way to improve the quality of macroeconomic policy formation
and of a responsible, long term oriented and sustainable fiscal
management process will be the creation of higher transparency and the
more systematic involvement of the major stakeholders - the private
sector, professionals, and the wider civil society. These are partly
vocal, but at an infant stage and largely limited to the capital city
of Juba.

Supporting this process will need a strengthening of the research
function, both in government, but also outside in academic
institutions and in independent think tanks. These should underpin the
policy making process. Unfortunately, the importance of higher
education for both building a home grown educated labor force and a
domestic research capability is currently not on focus of either the
GRSS or its international partners, as emphasis is mainly on primary
education.

The author is Assistant Professor and Head of Economics Department,
University of Juba, an executive member of South Sudan Economic
Association. This article is based on the academic article
Macroeconomic policy formation in South Sudan: Building fiscal
management jointly published with Dirk Hansohm, forthcoming in the
African Development Perspectives Yearbook. Email: [email protected]
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