Ethnic Politics in Kenya: A History South Sudan Should Learn From .
[Nomadicwear]
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By: Kuach Y. Tutkuay
May 15, 2013 (SSNA) -- South Sudan as a young nation that has just
attained her independent seems to be following a path once followed by
Kenyans in their post independent politics. The author wants to bring
this to the eyes of the citizens in order for them to avoid the
pitfalls made by Kenyans. From the current Kenyan politic, South Sudan
should learn how hurtful tribal politics is and how it can derail the
process of nation building. As the saying goes, “one man’s meat is
another man’s poison” should Kenyan meat be a South Sudanese poison or
South Sudanese meat a Kenyan poison. Let’s cast a quick glance at the
Kenyan politic of ethnicity and juxtapose it to our own.
In Kenya, Kikuyu are the majority and they are the one possessing the
riches of the nation. KANU was dominated by Kikuyu except for some few
junior politicians among which include a young skilled secretary of
the party Tom Mboya, a Luo by ethnicity who used all his talents in
managing the party regardless of manipulation by the Kikuyu. In 1961
election, there was a split in KANU; those who felt oppressed left the
party. Ronald Ngala, Masinde Muliro formed KADU, and James Gichuru
remains the chairman of KANU. When Jomo Kenyatta was released from
prison, James Gichuru handed over the chairmanship to his fellow tribe
man. They campaigned for other Bantu and it became a Bantu against
Nilotes. Oginga Odinga, R. Ngala and M. Muliro, regardless of the
outline clear objectives of their party, agreed to join KANU again
after defection for the sake of liberating the nation. Kenya came
under one party KANU. This led to the attainment of independent in
1963. Jomo Kenyatta, a Kikuyu man became the first President of the
Republic of Kenya and Jaramongi Odinga Oginga, a Luo man was made the
vice president, a tacit of equality manifested itself but feebly died
down.
Once in power Kenyatta swerved from radical nationalism to
conservative bourgeois politics. The plantations formerly owned by
white settlers were broken up and given to farmers, with the Kikuyu
the favored recipients, along with their allies the Embu and the Meru.
By 1978 most of the country's wealth and power was in the hands of the
organization which grouped these three tribes: the Gikuyu-Embu-Meru
Association (GEMA), together comprising 30% of the population of
Kenya. At the same time the Kikuyu, with Kenyatta's support, spread
beyond their traditional territorial homelands and repossessed lands
"stolen by the whites" - even when these had previously belonged to
other groups. The government of the United Kingdom donated billions of
pounds to buy the land from the white settlers and redistribute it to
the all Kenyans, but instead, Kenyatta distributed this land to Kikuyu
and his closest friends.The other groups, a 70% majority, were
outraged, setting up long-term ethnic animosities—the seed of
tribalism was planted—and Kenyan began to develop tribal attitude and
national oneness diminished.
The minority party, the Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU),
representing a coalition of small tribes that had feared dominance by
larger ones, dissolved itself voluntarily in 1964 and former members
joined KANU. KANU was the only party 1964-1966 when a faction broke
away as the Kenya People's Union (KPU). It was led by Jaramogi Oginga
Odinga, a former vice president and Luo elder. KPU advocated a more
"scientific" route to socialism—criticizing the slow progress in land
redistribution and employment opportunities—as well as a realignment
of foreign policy in favor of the Soviet Union. In June 1969 Tom
Mboya, a Luo member of the government considered a potential successor
to Kenyatta, was assassinated. Hostility between Kikuyu and Luo was
heightened, and after riots broke out in Luo country KPU was banned by
the Kenyatta’s government. The government used a variety of political
and economic measures to harass the KPU and its prospective and actual
members. KPU branches were unable to register, KPU meetings were
prevented, and civil servants and politicians suffered severe economic
and political consequences for joining the KPU. Kenya thereby became a
one-party state under KANU.
Ignoring his suppression of the opposition and continued factionalism
within KANU the imposition of one-party rule allowed Mzee ("Old Man")
Kenyatta, who had led the country since independence, claimed he
achieved "political stability." Underlying social tensions were
evident, however. Kenya's very rapid population growth rate and
considerable rural to urban migration were in large part responsible
for high unemployment and disorder in the cities. There also was much
resentment by blacks at the privileged economic position in the
country of Asians and Europeans.
At Kenyatta's death (August 22, 1978), Vice President Daniel arap Moi
became interim President. On October 14, Moi became President formally
after he was elected head of KANU and designated its sole nominee. In
June 1982, the National Assembly amended the constitution, making
Kenya officially a one-party state. On August 1 members of the Kenyan
Air Force launched an attempted coup, which was quickly suppressed by
Loyalist forces led by the Army, the General Service Unit (GSU) —
paramilitary wing of the police — and later the regular police, but
not without civilian casualties.
The leadership of Daniel Arap Moi was embrace by all Kenyans with hope
and high expectations that he will change the then existing ethnic
politic but to their surprise, Moi introduce the what so called
“Nyayo” a Swahili term meaning “foot step”. Moi stated clearly that he
is going to follow the footsteps of Kenyatta which granted the
expectation of the citizens futile. The grievances of the citizens
remained so high but who dare response? In Arap Moi’s leadership,
things remained the same. The 1992 assassination of Robert Ouko, a
great Luo politician who was by then a minister for Foreign Affairs
was another brutality witnessed by the luo under Moi’s leadership.
This happened in 1992 election when Kenyatta was nearly depeated in
the contest by his rival J.O. Oginga. Robert was a strong key
politician in siding with Odinga.
What should south Sudan learn from this story?
South Sudan in it two-decades struggle had had a similar situation as
to that of Kenya which I would not want to squeak any syllable about
because all of us know it. The similarities are that the nation’s
wealth, goes to, if not one, few tribes, the land is being grabbed
from the weaker tribes by the powerful majority tribes who also hold
high positions in the government, employment in all private sector has
almost 50% going to one, or few tribes, the composition of the
government is 45% by one tribe giving the other minor tribe 55% of the
share in the ministerial positions. Companies and big businesses are
owned by one tribe. Assassination is a custom here because we have
also witnessed some few. I have been reading some comments on the
internet which I purely regarded as hate speeches, these look like,
“this tribe is brave” “this tribe is coward” “this tribe will never
rule” “we are born to rule forever” “this tribe is weak” and so on.
What do we understand about a nation if we are still citing these
jeopardizing messages? Did we not fought in the war all of us and did
we not shed blood together? Remember no matter how big a tree is, it
can’t be called a forest, likewise to our cases, no matter how big a
tribe is, it will never be called a nation. Why are we so obese with
tribalism?
Let me take this opportunity to advise those whose legs are swift to
shed blood, your blood is awaiting too. As the Bible said, “those who
kills with sword, with sword shall they be killed”.
The writer can be reached through [email protected]
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