Sudd Institute's rebuttal to Thon Ayiei: 'We're independent'



Written by Sudd Institute, The New Sudan Vision (NSV), newsudanvision.com



Tuesday, 12 March 2013 20:42






(Juba, South Sudan) - This note is a response to the article
referenced above and in which Thon Agany Ayiei, the author, cited the
Sudd Institute as being among the consultancy firms or think tanks
subsidizing corruption in the Republic of South Sudan.

To the author, some of these institutions, formed mainly by South
Sudanese who got their education in the Diaspora, aim at marketing
their services to the government and unnecessarily accessing public
funds that should wisely be used to permanently employ these
consultants within the government. The firms, according to the author,
are developed in support of family members within the government,
subsequently lending them easy access to government’s contracts.
Basically, developing these institutions this way ultimately
encourages corruption as the author has forthrightly argued. More
broadly, the author’s general plea has something deserving to learn
from, albeit incoherently articulating it and missing the target. The
more compelling case the author raises is the underlying murkiness of
government’s contracts in South Sudan.

This response refutes the author’s crude attribution that the Sudd
Institute operates off government’s contracts, indeed subsidizing
corrupt practices in the nascent nation. As well, the response
attempts to correct some other key anomalies the piece harbors.

The Sudd Institute

Though the author’s opinions might be true of some other think tanks
established for soliciting jobs from the government and the
international community, the Sudd Institute presents a rather peculiar
image. First, the Institute was established as an independent research
institute with the aim of promoting informed and more accountable
public policy and practice that adequately respond to population
needs. It does not seek funds from any of the government’s
institutions. Instead, it seeks funding externally, presently with the
United States Institute of Peace (USIP) as its main funder.

Secondly, the Institute, founded with rather altruistic visions in
mind, is led by highly skilled South Sudanese, as the author seems to
clearly acknowledge. That the founders of the Institute are well
skilled surely troubles the view that their organization is
employment-driven, for the founders have more lucrative employment
opportunities elsewhere, particularly in the International Community.
Given example, the Institute’s Executive and the Research Directors
recently turned down a financially more rewarding 3-year contract with
Deloitte, with their decision primarily premised upon human factor,
that which the Institute advances. Similarly, the Institute’s
Finance/Admin and Training Directors have both received high-ranking
position offers from the government but equally declined.

Third, the Sudd Institute is driven by its own agenda. This means that
it doesn’t seek funding that won’t further its main interest of
promoting effective policy-making in South Sudan. Since its founding
back in 2012, the Institute has received numerous contractual offers
from the international community, but has only taken on one of these
because of its immediate policy relevance.

Four, the Sudd Institute provides pro bono services to some pockets of
public institutions, namely the Ministry of Interior, Ministry of
Youth and Sports, and the University of Juba. While the Sudd Institute
works in collaboration with the government mainly for reasons
encircling policy engagement, it does not seek government’s funding
for all its projects. Similarly, all of this goes to demonstrate that
the Institute is a clearly disciplined and responsible institution and
neither engages in corruption nor subsidizes such or similarly
activities in any way, as the author seems to suggest.

Government’s employment

The author also promotes other important interests, particularly those
concerned with upgrading government’s capacity through the integration
of the Diaspora’s returning South Sudanese into the labor government’s
labor force:

 “Some have even formed their own consulting firms or Think Tanks,
such as the SUDD Institute and the Center for Strategic Analyses and
Research (C-SAR). The funny thing though is that the dominating market
for these consultants is the government of South Sudan. So why are
young highly educated South Sudanese resorting to marketing their
knowledge and skills to the government through consulting firms
instead of directly applying for government jobs?”

This suggestion is incoherent given that it encourages the usual
economic woe: exclusive reliance on government’s jobs. What would have
been more convincing is if the author sought increased public
investments in the private sector in order to stimulate employment,
with private consultancy firms or think tanks as partners in this
endeavor. Instead of trashing ideas that create more employment
opportunities in South Sudan, what would seem more policy-engaging is
emphasizing how to best make use of these new institutions, with
considerable focus on structural challenges that lead to exploitation
of the public. Likewise, being a consultancy or think thank business
is not synonymous with being unscrupulous; rather, systemic,
structural problems generally animate poor practices in any system.
These can be addressed somewhat differently, but the private sector
ban, which the author seems to advocate, is not germane, as he wrote:

“Another way of getting a job with the government is to come together
as a group of young intellectuals and form a consulting firm or a
Think Tank and try to market your ideas to the government through such
initiatives. Those who are adventuring in this business seem to be
well off as our government seems to like everything foreign than
anything indigenous.”

Really? So, the South Sudanese consultants aren’t indigenous? Vexing
even more is that the author suggests elsewhere the integration of
these foreigners into the South Sudanese public system.

In another erroneous passage, the author asserted that “the government
is losing money to hire consultants it should have employed as regular
nationals, and at the same time, it is losing a generation of
intellectuals as more highly educated youth are being motivated to
join the consulting business.”

Sure, the government might be finding it difficult inducting highly
seasoned folks if there are other lucrative employment opportunities
elsewhere, but that needs addressing through mechanisms that attract
better skilled individuals. As well, the government doesn’t
necessarily lose money if the services for which it pays are rightly
delivered. In fact, the government gains by creating employment
avenues past its institutional realms. What seems more worrying here
should have been how firms get awarded publicly funded contracts, a
probable source of corruption.

Conclusion

This response has clarified that the Sudd Institute has no contracts
with the government of South Sudan, therefore does not subsidize
corrupt activities in the country as the author raised. Instead, it
provides pro bono services to a number of public institutions. As
well, the Institute suggests the author would have been better served
arguing structural loopholes that lead to corruption in South Sudan,
especially in publicly funded contractual businesses. Suggesting
private sector ban merely on ground of corruption in the government is
overtly inconsistent. A number of other suggestions the author makes
regarding the country’s economic issues are equally quixotic. For more
information about the Sudd Institute, please, visit our website
www.suddinstitute.org



Department of Communications

The Sudd Institute





Last Updated on Wednesday, 13 March 2013 10:55


Author of this article: Sudd Institute, The New Sudan Vision (NSV),
newsudanvision.com

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