Forgetting Mau Mau, remembering Lonrho – Richard Dowden

June 7, 2013

I am glad the Kenyans caught up in the Mau Mau rebellion in the 1950s
have finally got compensation from the UK Government for being
tortured. As the deeply racist and imperialist Enoch Powell said at
the time, Britain did not deserve to have an empire if its security
forces behaved in such a way.

I hope we will now be able to read those files that the Foreign Office
buried at the time and pretended no longer existed. For years they
told researchers they could not be found or must have been lost. It
took an order from the High Court to produce them and that is when the
UK Government caved in.

Perhaps Leigh Day, the law firm who resurrected the cases, will now
trail around Cyprus, Aden, Malaysia, Northern Ireland looking for
victims of small wars where the British Empire fought rebellions. This
could get expensive. Watch this space.

The real scandal however is the treatment these victims have received
from the Kenyan government since independence. Its role in forcing
Britain out of Kenya is still unclear as the rebellion was effectively
over by 1955 and Kenya did not become independent until 1960. Britain
was giving up its empire anyway but it could be argued these old men
had actually fought the British though not necessarily as a national
Kenyan struggle for independence.

Kenyatta came to power using the Mau Mau rebellion but at independence
he turned his back on them and they have been ignored or even
repudiated by the Kenyan state ever since. After all the vast majority
of their victims were Kikuyus or other Kenyans. Maybe now with the
Kikuyu in power for another presidential term, this the time to be
open about the history, hold a national debate and bring about
reconciliation.

***

I was sad to see that Lonrho had finally died. The “unacceptable face
of capitalism” as Prime Minister Edward Heath called it in 1973, was
an evil empire much beloved by capitalists for its high returns and by
journalists for an endless stream of outrageous stories.  It was
founded by the maverick businessman Tiny Rowland who had been interned
in the Britain during the Second World War and became an
anti-establishment figure – a buccaneer who broke all the rules of
company governance.

Its origins were in agriculture in Rhodesia (Lonrho was short for
London Rhodesia) but it spread all over Anglophone Africa into mining,
hotels and trade, employing white Rhodesians, South Africans and Brits
at a time when the war against white rule in southern Africa was still
burning fiercely. Journalists looked everywhere for evidence of truly
evil plots, backing a coup or smuggling arms to South Africa, but
never really found anything.

Rowlands deployed his extraordinary charm on African politicians from
presidents to rebel leaders. He saw that if you wanted to do business
in Africa, personal connections were far more important than in state
institutions, laws and regulations. He gave them gifts from trinkets
or cars, lifts in his planes and often substantial sums in return for
concessions and special treatment for Lonrho companies. He also
arranged for the children of presidents, generals and ministers to go
to British public schools, gave them personal loans and put them up in
his hotels in Africa and Britain.

In return, his companies were given a free rein and paid specially
negotiated rates of tax.

In 1986 I drove from Harare to Beira, the Mozambican port on the
Indian Ocean with two colleagues. The road and the railway come down
from the escarpment at the border and then run straight across the
plain to the sea – about 180 miles. At this time Renamo, the South
African backed rebel movement, had knocked the railway out of action
and was attacking vehicles on the road. It was a movement of pure
terror, enforcing its power by brutality; killing and mutilating with
no comprehensible political programme or attempt to win people over by
persuasion.

The few small run-down little towns on the route harboured camps of
people who had been forced to flee their homes. Outside the towns no
houses remained standing, fields had reverted to bush and we passed
the wrecks of several trucks and cars shot up and burned out. Whenever
we saw someone – which was not often – we would stop and ask about the
rebels and whether they were in the area. We laughed and joked a lot.
We were scared.

Then as we approached Ndalatando we suddenly emerged from miles of
scrub and bush into huge fields of crops. We drove through a gateway
and up a driveway towards some buildings and we were greeted by a
white man in shorts and a bush shirt. This was the Lonrho estate –
about the size of the Isle of Wight, some 380 square kilometres
growing maize, wheat, sugar and scores of other crops. Naturally we
asked how it survived in the war. “There have been no attacks here,”
we were told.

“So what sort of protection do you have” we asked. The reply: “We
don’t need any, it’s peaceful here”. At which exact moment we heard
men chanting and stamping and round the corner jogged a platoon of
about 100 armed men, their AK47s strapped to their backs. The white
man wiped his face and dismissed them as night watchmen.

Later on we talked to some of the workers and discovered they were
paid in plastic tokens exchangeable at the company store. So here was
a vast Lonrho work camp in a war zone protected by a private army with
forcibly recruited labour paid in plastic tokens! We asked them why
the company didn’t pay their workers in Metical, the national
currency? The reply: “Oh no you can buy real things with the Lonrho
tokens. We are happy with them. The Meticals are worthless”.

I sometimes wonder whether Tiny Rowland was the forerunner of big
Western capitalism in Africa – close personal relations with the
politically powerful and using that connection to get concessions to
do as he pleased and create a state within a state.

Richard Dowden is Director of the Royal African Society and author of
Africa; altered states, ordinary miracles. For more of Richard’s blogs
click here.

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