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From: "IRIN" <[email protected]>
Date: 28 Jan 2017 09:04
Subject: Syrian militias, Gazan pipes, and reforming humanitarianism: IRIN
Top Picks ...
To: "ElisabethJanaina" <[email protected]>
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Today's humanitarian news and analysis

*Online version
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Syrian militias, Gazan pipes, and reforming humanitarianism: IRIN Top Picks
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Every week, IRIN's team of editors curates a selection of humanitarian
reports and opinion you may have missed, from in-depth analyses and
features to academic studies and podcasts:

Making humanitarianism fit for purpose
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage2.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=9476a4a682&e=399c7ee738>

Late last year, in a piece published by IRIN, Antonio Donini, an analyst
with the Feinstein International Center at Tufts University, wrote
that multilateralism
was in crisis
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage1.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=9412aa6bd2&e=399c7ee738>
and that humanitarianism had reached “its historical limits”. If his words
struck a chord with many of our readers at the time, they feel particularly
portentous in a week in which President Donald Trump fired off executive
orders that rolled back gains in women’s reproductive health, refugee
resettlement
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=8a24559474&e=399c7ee738>,
and environmental protections at the stroke of a pen. More executive orders
are reported to be in the pipeline
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=c191428e58&e=399c7ee738>
that could see the US drastically cutting its contributions to the UN and
withdrawing from certain multilateral treaties. Whether or not the
humanitarian sector is ready to make long-debated changes, change is
certainly coming. How will it adapt and what can humanitarians start doing
to prepare for what lies ahead? These are some of the questions that Donini
and his colleagues at the Feinstein International Center, as well as
contributors from King’s College London and the Overseas Development
Institute, have tried to answer in their “Planning from the Future” report
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage2.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=9507b00515&e=399c7ee738>.
This 73-page monster explores the reasons why fundamental reforms of the
sector are urgently needed and how they might be addressed by a more
responsive, protective, and accountable humanitarian sector in the future.

Who’s responsible for Gaza’s infrastructure crisis?
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=3c12085b70&e=399c7ee738>

It’s not just about settlements or an Israeli embassy in Jerusalem. For the
past few weeks, Palestinians in Gaza have been taking to the streets to
protest a more practical matter: worsening power cuts. Frustration has been
aimed at Hamas, the Palestinian Authority, and Israel, but whose fault is
it that some Gazans make do with only three or four hours of electricity a
day? This report from NGO Gisha, which advocates for Palestinian freedom of
movement, looks closely at who’s to blame for Gaza’s poor infrastructure in
three sectors: electricity, water, and communications. It’s no simple
matter as Palestinian parties and companies do play a role, but here’s a
spoiler alert: past bombings plus Israeli restrictions on equipment for
maintaining infrastructure are a major part of the picture. And it’s hard
to get funding for water projects – say, fixing a sewage system that
regularly overflows, or building a desalination plant for non-potable water
– when there’s not enough electricity to run them. Questions of
infrastructure rarely make the headlines, but they seriously hamper the
lives of two million Gazans each and every day.

A simple solution for protecting people from climate change
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As the effects of climate change become more pronounced over the next few
decades, (surprise!) it will be the “ultra-poor” who suffer most. So how
can governments protect their most vulnerable citizens? This evaluation by
the World Food Programme of a project carried out in Bangladesh between
2011 and 2015 provides one answer: give them cash.

Ok, it’s not just about money. The package included community
infrastructure work, classes on disaster preparedness, and business
development training, along with cash grants. The evaluation found: “People
are less likely to sell assets, go into debt or resort to skipping meals
when their lives are disrupted by the effects of climate change, if they
have received a simple package of training and cash grants.” It’s an
obvious point, but an important one, especially in Bangladesh is one of the
most vulnerable nations in the world. Such programmes may help mitigate the
looming threat climate change poses to the country, a threat could lead to
20 million people being displaced by 2050, as we recently reported.
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Hungry for a list
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The Hunger and Nutrition Commitment Index Africa (HANCI-Africa) ranks 45
African governments on their political commitment to tackling hunger and
under-nutrition. The idea is to enable civil society to put pressure on
governments and international policymakers to do better; to encourage
governments to evaluate their own efforts; and to prioritise appropriate
action.

So who’s rubbish? There are probably no surprises in the bottom six: Chad,
Guinea, Angola, Comoros, Guinea‑Bissau, and, in last place, Sudan. The
stars are: South Africa, Malawi, Madagascar… What? Madagascar? Yes, despite
repeated droughts and chronic food insecurity in the south, the index says
the Madagascan government has a range of proactive nutrition policies in
place. This is something that wealthier countries, Nigeria for example, in
37th place, would do well to emulate.
One from IRIN:

Should a Syrian militia be delivering international aid?
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=2147220b48&e=399c7ee738>

There appears to be some genuine outrage at the use by World Vision of a
Syrian militia to help deliver international aid. But there also appears to
be some hypocrisy too. Do the 70,000 stranded would-be refugees who’ve
amassed in a lawless no man’s land of desert between southern Syrian and
northern Jordan really care? The hypocrisy stems from allegations that a UN
contractor is using the same militia for its security and that the
Jordanian military is said to exert a strong influence over the choice of
UN contractors more generally. As regular IRIN contributor Sara Elizabeth
Williams points out in this exclusive investigative report: “All those
trying to help the stranded Syrians are treading a fine line on the
humanitarian principles of impartiality and independence.” Over several
months of reporting, Williams spoke to World Vision, UN agencies, the
militia leader, other aid agencies, aid workers, as well as local
activists. They all had strong views on how things should be done. But
perhaps the most telling voice is that of Asmaa, a mother of four who
expresses what’s important for her: “I feel more confidence and safety when
we see the Jordanian berm, because it’s organised and has guards. There are
people there who stay up at night to protect it, and protect the people in
it.”
Coming up:

*Beyond ‘crisis’? The state of immigration and asylum law and policy in the
EU*

*10 February, Brussels*

The Odysseus Academic Network’s annual conference will bring together legal
experts in immigration and asylum law and asylum policy from across Europe
to take stock of developments in 2016 and cast a look into 2017. The event
will have three different streams – cooperation between member states,
protection, and management of migration flows.

Participating is free, but online registration is required.

More details are available here
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.

*(TOP PHOTO: 20-month-old **Ummi** Mustafa and her mother. Ummi is
suffering from severe acute malnutrition, and she received screening and
treatment through Action Against Hunger's mobile health clinic in a camp
for displaced people near Maiduguri, Borno State, Nigeria, August 25, 2016.
CREDIT: Guy Calaf/Action Against Hunger USA)*

oa-jf-as-ks/ag
MotherandChildMaiduguiNigeriaHunger.jpg
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=4ddb241fcb&e=399c7ee738>
News <http:///news> Health <http:///health> Human Rights
<http:///human-rights> Politics and Economics
<http:///politics-and-economics> This week’s humanitarian reading list IRIN
<http:///byline/irin> GENEVA <http:///publication-location/geneva> Africa
<http:///africa> Bangladesh <http:///asia/bangladesh> Belgium
<http:///europe/belgium> Middle East and North Africa
<http:///middle-east-and-north-africa> Syria
<http:///middle-east-north-africa/syria>

*Read on
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------------------------------
Uganda rebel returns add to growing headache for Kabila and Congo
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The Democratic Republic of Congo has accused neighbouring Uganda of
allowing former M23 rebels to cross the common border, sparking fears of a
new armed rebellion and yet more humanitarian suffering in a region long
used to violence.

Government spokesman Lambert Mende Omalanga said hundreds of armed ex-M23
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=1000cc618d&e=399c7ee738>
fighters, supposedly exiled in Uganda, had re-emerged in North Kivu
Province in eastern Congo, from where they waged a 19-month war against the
Congolese government in 2012-2013.

“We are disappointed with our Ugandan colleagues for letting these
criminals out, moreover armed,” said Mende. “We can’t allow this
[destabilisation] to happen. We engaged these criminals in confrontations
and flushed them out.”

The clash he refers to took place in the border town of Ishasha on 14
January, but it’s unclear how many ex-M23 or Congolese government troops
were killed.

The M23 (March 23 Movement), a largely Tutsi rebel group, began as a mutiny
but rapidly gained ground in North Kivu, taking control of the provincial
capital, Goma, in November 2012. It was finally defeated by the Congolese
army and the UN’s Force Intervention Brigade in November 2013.

A UN group of experts’ report
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=09fc74553a&e=399c7ee738>
in December 2013 concluded that the M23 fighters were backed by Rwanda and
Uganda, a charge both countries’ governments have denied.

Under the terms of the Nairobi Declarations that ended the hostilities, the
M23 renounced the rebellion in return for the Congolese government’s
commitment to a disarmament, demobilisation, and reintegration (DDR)
programme, and a limited offer of amnesty.

Almost 1,400 M23 fighters were initially cantoned in the Bihanga Military
Training School in western Uganda after surrendering nearby, awaiting
eventual return to Congo. Fewer than 300 remain.
New rebellion?

Last week, Ugandan government spokesman Ofwono Opondo admitted that some
ex-M23 rebels had escaped from Bihanga. They have “lately and quietly been
escaping in small groups of about five into the general public, and some to
unknown places,” he told IRIN.

On 18 January, the Ugandan military apprehended a group of 101 former M23
rebels in Uganda’s western towns of Mbarara and Kabale. They were disguised
as civilians en route to Congo. More arrests of former fighters have since
been made.

"There was always a danger of M23 returning to the DRC."

“We caught them trying to escape back to DRC under unclear circumstances,”
said Ugandan army deputy spokesman Major Henry Obbo. Some 40 to 50 former
combatants had also escaped a week earlier.

But, according to a 19 January Ugandan government statement, just 270 of
the original 1,377 ex-M23 fighters cantoned in Bihanga actually remain
there. Subtracting those and the roughly 200 former fighters who have
returned home to Congo under the DDR programme suggests around 900 have
fled the camp.

“With the M23 leadership and much of its rank and file still intact, there
was always a danger of M23 returning to the DRC,” Phil Clark, a Great Lakes
expert at SOAS, University of London, told IRIN.

Uganda insists it was not involved in the escape of the rebels and is in no
way backing another rebellion.

“These are individuals who are escaping on their own,” said Opondo. “Uganda
will not and does not support any armed activities to destabilise the DRC.”

Nicaise Kibel Bel’Oka, director of the Centre for Geopolitical Study and
Research of Eastern Congo, believes Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni has
no appetite for backing a new rebellion as he is more concerned about
shoring up the support of his own generals.

Bel’Oka told IRIN it was “an open secret” that there were now divisions
within the Ugandan military, adding: “If Kampala takes the risk of arming
ex-M23 elements and sending them to fight in Congo, it runs the serious
risk of seeing them turn against the [Museveni] regime.”
Not enough amnesty

Uganda has called repeatedly on Kinshasa to honour its DDR commitments,
which were plagued by a lack of trust between the former M23 rebels and the
Congolese government.

“We can’t be blamed for the failed repatriation of these people,” said
Opondo, the Ugandan government spokesman. “We want them out. We have always
asked the DRC government to take them back. But they [authorities] seem
unwilling and failed to convince them.”

A senior M23 official, who asked not to be identified, told IRIN the mass
escape was a direct result of the Congolese government dragging its feet
over the DDR programme and failing to provide the necessary security
guarantees to convince the ex-rebels to return.

“These combatants have been in Bihanga for over three years without knowing
their next fate. [President Joseph] Kabila has failed to honour the
implementation of the Nairobi Declarations and Addis Ababa Agreements for
their return and reintegration,” the M23 source said.

“As Congolese citizens, they have a right to go back home without informing
anybody,” the source added, denying however that they had returned armed.

In January 2014, violence flared in Bihanga when the former rebels
protested against their return home, fearing ill-treatment.

“The main sticking point was the government's refusal to offer an amnesty
to the M23 leadership,” said Clark.

[image: M23 fighters loyal to Bosco Ntaganda move along the road towards
Goma as Peacekeepers observed gathering of armed people North of the city,
the 1st of March 2013]
MONUSCO/Sylvain Liechti
Bad timing

The M23 fighters are arriving back in Congo at a particularly tense time.

“The whole region is worried about Kabila's refusal to rule out running for
a third term, and the ongoing uncertainty over when the Congolese elections
will be held,” said Clark.

Kabila was constitutionally due to step down in December last year, at the
end of his two-term limit. But he has managed to cling on to power even in
the face of a united and furious opposition.

According to a deal mediated by the Catholic Church on New Year’s Eve, he
is supposed to stand down after elections at the end of 2017. But no one
seems convinced that Kabila – who came to power in 2001 after the
assassination of his predecessor and father (former rebel leader
Laurent-Désiré Kabila) – will stick to the agreement.

“Even if the former M23 rebels do not seem to have any clear objective in
reforming their group, the fact that Kabila has outstayed his welcome can
make it easier for them to recruit new members in the Congo and legitimise
their existence,” said Nina Wilén, a postdoctoral research fellow at
Université Libre de Bruxelles.

The New Year’s Eve accord calls for the reform of the electoral commission,
new voter registration, a new prime minister nominated by the opposition,
and a follow-up committee to oversee implementation of the agreement.

But the deal does not include a detailed calendar for implementation, nor
is it even clear how the follow-up committee will be structured.

Thierry Vircoulon, a lecturer on security issues at Sciences Po in Paris,
told IRIN that Kabila has a habit of “playing for time” when pressed.

“The Congolese political class as a whole likes the long negotiation,” he
said. “But the December accord is an emergency accord. The timeline for the
elections is only 12 months, so very short. Given all these tasks and the
12 months’ timeframe, we are already late.”

This tallies with a 12 January blog post
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage1.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=99cde89875&e=399c7ee738>
by Ida Sawyer, Human Rights Watch director for Central Africa.

“Credible elections can't be organised when opposition leaders and
activists are thrown in prison and beaten, and convicted on trumped-up
charges, when independent media outlets are shut down or blocked, and when
security forces fire live rounds on peaceful protesters,” she wrote.
What needs to be done?

“The situation in Congo potentially destabilises all of its neighbours. So,
it isn't surprising that some armed actors may intervene militarily, either
to try to resolve the political situation by force or to capitalise on the
general uncertainty,” Sawyer told IRIN.

She urged the international community and regional leaders to remain
engaged.

“They should support the organisation of credible, timely elections and
signal that they stand ready to impose additional targeted sanctions and
other punitive measures should the repression continue, if those
responsible for past abuses are not held to account, or if efforts are made
to prevent or delay the organisation of elections.”

Bel’Oka believes the M23 are a symptom of a broader problem of governance
in Congo and said that part of the solution involves facilitating their
proper return.

“Today, these former fighters cantoned in Uganda feel abandoned,” he
explained. “So they become easy to manipulate and are ready to conclude
that, no matter what, they will be considered the enemy, especially by
Kinshasa.”

*(Additional reporting by Claude **Sengenya**, a freelance journalist and
regular IRIN contributor based in Beni in the Democratic Republic of Congo)*

*(TOP PHOTO: *M23 soldier stands guard as M23 rebel spokesman Lt Vianney
Kazarama makes a speech in Goma. CREDIT: Jessica Hatcher/IRIN )

so-cs/oa/ag
The return of ex-M23 rebels sparks fears of more humanitarian suffering in
the region M23 soldier stands guard as M23 rebel spokesman Lt Vianney
Kazarama makes a speech in Goma
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Samuel
Okiror <http:///authors/samuel-okiror> News <http:///news> Conflict
<http:///conflict> Human Rights <http:///human-rights> KAMPALA
<http:///publication-location/kampala> IRIN <http:///byline/irin> Africa
<http:///africa> East Africa <http:///africa/east-africa> Congo, Republic of
<http:///afrique/afrique-de-lest/congo-republic>

*Read on
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------------------------------
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