S'IL VOUS PLAIT MARCHEZ ET BOYCOTTEZ EN MASSE POUR LES PALESTINIENS
C'EST LEUR SEULE PROTECTION INTERNATIONALE SOLIDAIRE,
LA SEULE PROTECTION DE LEUR POSSIBLE DÉMOCRATIE LA
ET DE LEUR POSSIBLE ÉCONOMIE
PLEASE WALK IN MASS AND BOYCOTT FOR THE PALESTINIANS
IT IS THEIR ONLY UNITED INTERNATIONAL PROTECTION,
THE ONLY PROTECTION OF THEIR POSSIBLE DEMOCRACY
THE ONLY PROTECTION OF THEIR POSSIBLE ECONOMY
FOREWORD from Haidar Eid
Haidar Eid review (2001) on Ahmed Qatamesh's Prison Notebook (1994):
Reformulating the alternative
http://www.criticalsecret.com/n7/eidoriginal.html
http://palsolidarity.org/2009/01/3971
Updated on January 10, 2009
South African citizen, Dr. Haidar Eid, [Really being double Palestinian
/ South African by marriage but he is native of Palestine and from a
Palestinian family and he lives in Gaza where he teaches] Professor of
Social and Cultural Studies at Al Aqsa University Gaza, commented on the
failed UN Security Council resolution;
“What was needed from the UN Security Council was a demand that Israel
abide by international law and international humanitarian law, with a
demand for the withdrawal of Israeli troops at least to the 1967
borders. Instead the resolution ignored the occupation and siege, which
are the true root of the problem, and treated the resistance to the
occupation as the root of the problem. The resolution equates the victim
and the victimiser, the oppressor and the oppressed.”
“In March 2008 Matan Vilnai, the Israeli minister of war, threatened the
people of Gaza with a holocaust. Because there was no outcry from the
international community at the time this is now what is taking place.
However I believe from the reaction of the people around the world, this
atrocity will in fact lead to the end of the despotic regimes in the
Arab world, the end of Israeli apartheid and the creation of one
secular, democratic, multi-national state.” Dr Haidar Eid (South
Africa/Palestine).
Traduction FR:
http://www.ism-france.org/news/article.php?id=10884&type=temoignage&lesujet=Incursions
Janvier 11 2009 :
Le sud-africain, le Dr Haidar Eid [en réalité il a un double nationalité
palestinienne/sud-africaine par mariage mais il est originaire de
Palestine et d'une famille palestinienne et vit à Gaza où il enseigne],
professeur d'études sociales et culturelles à l'Université d'Al-Aqsa à
Gaza, a commenté l’échec de la résolution du Conseil de sécurité des
Nations Unies :
"Ce dont nous avions besoin du Conseil de Sécurité, c’était demander à
Israël de respecter le droit international et le droit international
humanitaire, et demander le retrait des troupes israéliennes, au moins
sur les frontières de 1967. Au lieu de cela, la résolution a ignoré
l'occupation et le siège, qui sont la véritable racine du problème, et a
traité la résistance à l'occupation comme étant la racine du problème.
La résolution assimile la victime et le persécuteur, l'oppresseur et
l'opprimé."
"En Mars 2008 Matan Vilnai, le ministre israélien de la guerre, a menacé
la population de Gaza d'un holocauste. Comme il n'y a pas eu de tollé de
la communauté internationale à l’époque, c’est ce qui se passe en ce moment.
Cependant, je crois que de la réaction des gens dans le monde à cette
atrocité mettra fin aux régimes despotiques dans le monde arabe, à la
fin de l'apartheid israélien et la création d'un Etat laïc, démocratique
et multinational." Dr Haidar Eid (Afrique du Sud / Palestine).
ITW Extract from http://www.lemonde.fr/
January 6 2009: " We live this aggression as a collective punishment "
Haider Eid, lecturer at Al-Aqsa university, lives in some hundreds of
meters from the ministerial buildings of Gaza City bombarded by the
Israeli aviation. " The first time when the ministerial complex was
bombarded I slept. All the building trembled. Panes burst everything
around me. There was broken glass everywhere in my bedroom room [...]
This Academic, who defines himself as a layman, did not vote for Hamas
in 2006. In spite of his convictions, he would not come to him the idea
of considering the winner of the legislative last ones as responsible
for the situation. " It is not a war between Israel and Hamas, but a
questioning of the existence of the Palestinian people. We live this
aggression as a collective punishment: We are bombarded because we wore
Hamas in the power. It is a war crime and a crime against the democracy.
" According to him, far from weakening Hamas, the Israeli attack welded
the whole population against 'the aggressor'. " But the question exceeds
widely Hamas: among the fighters, they are from any horizons. It is
about a movement of national liberation. " [...]
"Nous vivons cette agression comme une punition collective"
LEMONDE.FR | 06.01.09 | 19h05 • Mis à jour le 06.01.09 | 19h13 [...]
Haider Eid(er), maître de conférences à l'université Al-Aqsa, habite à
quelques centaines de mètres des bâtiments ministériels de la ville de
Gaza, pilonnés par l'aviation israélienne. "La première fois que le
complexe ministériel a été bombardé je dormais. Tout le bâtiment a
tremblé. Les vitres ont éclaté tout autour de moi. Il y avait du verre
partout dans ma chambre. J'ai eu de la chance d'être allongé à ce moment
là. Je n'ai plus fermé l'œil depuis. A l'instant où je vous parle, je
peux voir des hélicoptères, des F-16 et des drones par ma fenêtre.
Toutes les cinq minutes, il y a des tirs d'artillerie, des tirs d'obus
ou des attaques aériennes", raconte-t-il alors que résonnent derrière
lui des détonations. "Vous entendez ? C'est l'artillerie."
Cet universitaire, qui se définit comme un laïc, n'a pas voté pour le
Hamas en 2006. Malgré ses convictions, il ne lui viendrait pas à l'idée
de tenir le vainqueur des dernières législatives pour responsable de la
situation. "Ce n'est pas une guerre entre Israël et le Hamas, mais une
remise en cause de l'existence même du peuple palestinien. Nous vivons
cette agression comme une punition collective : nous sommes bombardés
parce que nous avons porté le Hamas au pouvoir. C'est un crime de guerre
et un crime contre la démocratie."Selon lui, loin d'affaiblir le Hamas,
l'attaque israélienne a soudé l'ensemble de la population contre
"l'agresseur". "Mais la question dépasse largement le Hamas : parmi les
combattants, il y en a de tous horizons. Il s'agit d'un mouvement de
libération nationale. Cela me fait penser à ce qui s'est passé il y a
deux ans au Liban. Israël voulait détruire les infrastructures du
Hezbollah, qui est ressorti de cette guerre plus populaire que
jamais..." [...]
____________________
Tariq Ali
From the ashes of Gaza
In the face of Israel's latest onslaught, the only option for
Palestinian nationalism is to embrace a one-state solution
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2008/dec/30/gaza-hamas-palestinians-israel1
The one state solution
The following statement was issued by participants in the July 2007
Madrid meeting on a one-state solution and the November 2007 London
Conference.
http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article9134.shtml
http://one-israel-palestine.blogspot.com/
http://oss.internetactivist.org/index.html
____________________
Sorry for my Frenglish;-)
____________________
I am not a follower of any religion but I am not more a follower of the
secularism when it becomes itself a religion.
I do not believe in God. But I know that none from the symbolically
victorious popular resistances against the oppression wether by armed
fighting wether by the only fact of not having lowered the head up to
the end -up to the last Resistance fighter alive - was never missing a
faith for help it, can be religious, can be secular.
"Travailleurs sans frontière, travailleurs sans patrie, c'est
l'Internationale des travailleurs" en pleine crise
solidaires des peuples opprimés et des pays pauvres: pour Gaza
1.
Gaza : why Tony Blair does enjoy so much this new genre of war from one
army to a civilian and activist resistance?
" Hamas diplomacy 'is hard to see' " (January 12, 2009)
Please hear some news @ BBC Radio 4
http://news.bbc.co.uk/today/hi/today/newsid_7823000/7823746.stm
2.
War and Natural Gas: The Israeli Invasion and Gaza's Offshore Gas Fields
(January 8, 2009)
http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=11680
3.
Naomi Klein
Enough. It's time for a boycott (January 10, 2009)
The best way to end the bloody occupation is to target Israel with the
kind of movement that ended apartheid in South Africa
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/jan/10/naomi-klein-boycott-israel
4.
Uri Avnery @ Gush Shalom
How Many Divisions?
10/01/09
http://zope.gush-shalom.org/index_en.html
NEARLY SEVENTY YEARS ago, in the course of World War II, a heinous crime
was committed in the city of Leningrad. For more than a thousand days, a
gang of extremists called “the Red Army” held the millions of the town’s
inhabitants hostage and provoked retaliation from the German Wehrmacht
from inside the population centers. The Germans had no alternative but
to bomb and shell the population and to impose a total blockade, which
caused the death of hundreds of thousands.
Some time before that, a similar crime was committed in England. The
Churchill gang hid among the population of London, misusing the millions
of citizens as a human shield. The Germans were compelled to send their
Luftwaffe and reluctantly reduce the city to ruins. They called it the
Blitz.
This is the description that would now appear in the history books – if
the Germans had won the war.
Absurd? No more than the daily descriptions in our media, which are
being repeated ad nauseam: the Hamas terrorists use the inhabitants of
Gaza as “hostages” and exploit the women and children as “human
shields”, they leave us no alternative but to carry out massive
bombardments, in which, to our deep sorrow, thousands of women, children
and unarmed men are killed and injured.
IN THIS WAR, as in any modern war, propaganda plays a major role. The
disparity between the forces, between the Israeli army - with its
airplanes, gunships, drones, warships, artillery and tanks - and the few
thousand lightly armed Hamas fighters, is one to a thousand, perhaps one
to a million. In the political arena the gap between them is even wider.
But in the propaganda war, the gap is almost infinite.
Almost all the Western media initially repeated the official Israeli
propaganda line. They almost entirely ignored the Palestinian side of
the story, not to mention the daily demonstrations of the Israeli peace
camp. The rationale of the Israeli government (“The state must defend
its citizens against the Qassam rockets”) has been accepted as the whole
truth. The view from the other side, that the Qassams are a retaliation
for the siege that starves the one and a half million inhabitants of the
Gaza Strip, was not mentioned at all.
Only when the horrible scenes from Gaza started to appear on Western TV
screens, did world public opinion gradually begin to change.
True, Western and Israeli TV channels showed only a tiny fraction of the
dreadful events that appear 24 hours every day on Aljazeera’s Arabic
channel, but one picture of a dead baby in the arms of its terrified
father is more powerful than a thousand elegantly constructed sentences
from the Israeli army spokesman. And that is what is decisive, in the end.
War – every war – is the realm of lies. Whether called propaganda or
psychological warfare, everybody accepts that it is right to lie for
one’s country. Anyone who speaks the truth runs the risk of being
branded a traitor.
The trouble is that propaganda is most convincing for the propagandist
himself. And after you convince yourself that a lie is the truth and
falsification reality, you can no longer make rational decisions.
An example of this process surrounds the most shocking atrocity of this
war so far: the shelling of the UN Fakhura school in Jabaliya refugee camp.
Immediately after the incident became known throughout the world, the
army “revealed” that Hamas fighters had been firing mortars from near
the school entrance. As proof they released an aerial photo which indeed
showed the school and the mortar. But within a short time the official
army liar had to admit that the photo was more than a year old. In
brief: a falsification.
Later the official liar claimed that “our soldiers were shot at from
inside the school”. Barely a day passed before the army had to admit to
UN personnel that that was a lie, too. Nobody had shot from inside the
school, no Hamas fighters were inside the school, which was full of
terrified refugees.
But the admission made hardly any difference anymore. By that time, the
Israeli public was completely convinced that “they shot from inside the
school”, and TV announcers stated this as a simple fact.
So it went with the other atrocities. Every baby metamorphosed, in the
act of dying, into a Hamas terrorist. Every bombed mosque instantly
became a Hamas base, every apartment building an arms cache, every
school a terror command post, every civilian government building a
“symbol of Hamas rule”. Thus the Israeli army retained its purity as the
“most moral army in the world”.
THE TRUTH is that the atrocities are a direct result of the war plan.
This reflects the personality of Ehud Barak – a man whose way of
thinking and actions are clear evidence of what is called “moral
insanity”, a sociopathic disorder.
The real aim (apart from gaining seats in the coming elections) is to
terminate the rule of Hamas in the Gaza Strip. In the imagination of the
planners, Hamas is an invader which has gained control of a foreign
country. The reality is, of course, entirely different.
The Hamas movement won the majority of the votes in the eminently
democratic elections that took place in the West Bank, East Jerusalem
and the Gaza Strip. It won because the Palestinians had come to the
conclusion that Fatah’s peaceful approach had gained precisely nothing
from Israel - neither a freeze of the settlements, nor release of the
prisoners, nor any significant steps toward ending the occupation and
creating the Palestinian state. Hamas is deeply rooted in the population
– not only as a resistance movement fighting the foreign occupier, like
the Irgun and the Stern Group in the past – but also as a political and
religious body that provides social, educational and medical services.
From the point of view of the population, the Hamas fighters are not a
foreign body, but the sons of every family in the Strip and the other
Palestinian regions. They do not “hide behind the population”, the
population views them as their only defenders.
Therefore, the whole operation is based on erroneous assumptions.
Turning life into living hell does not cause the population to rise up
against Hamas, but on the contrary, it unites behind Hamas and
reinforces its determination not to surrender. The population of
Leningrad did not rise up against Stalin, any more than the Londoners
rose up against Churchill.
He who gives the order for such a war with such methods in a densely
populated area knows that it will cause dreadful slaughter of civilians.
Apparently that did not touch him. Or he believed that “they will change
their ways” and “it will sear their consciousness”, so that in future
they will not dare to resist Israel.
A top priority for the planners was the need to minimize casualties
among the soldiers, knowing that the mood of a large part of the pro-war
public would change if reports of such casualties came in. That is what
happened in Lebanon Wars I and II.
This consideration played an especially important role because the
entire war is a part of the election campaign. Ehud Barak, who gained in
the polls in the first days of the war, knew that his ratings would
collapse if pictures of dead soldiers filled the TV screens.
Therefore, a new doctrine was applied: to avoid losses among our
soldiers by the total destruction of everything in their path. The
planners were not only ready to kill 80 Palestinians to save one Israeli
soldier, as has happened, but also 800. The avoidance of casualties on
our side is the overriding commandment, which is causing record numbers
of civilian casualties on the other side.
That means the conscious choice of an especially cruel kind of warfare –
and that has been its Achilles heel.
A person without imagination, like Barak (his election slogan: “Not a
Nice Guy, but a Leader”) cannot imagine how decent people around the
world react to actions like the killing of whole extended families, the
destruction of houses over the heads of their inhabitants, the rows of
boys and girls in white shrouds ready for burial, the reports about
people bleeding to death over days because ambulances are not allowed to
reach them, the killing of doctors and medics on their way to save
lives, the killing of UN drivers bringing in food. The pictures of the
hospitals, with the dead, the dying and the injured lying together on
the floor for lack of space, have shocked the world. No argument has any
force next to an image of a wounded little girl lying on the floor,
twisting with pain and crying out: “Mama! Mama!”
The planners thought that they could stop the world from seeing these
images by forcibly preventing press coverage. The Israeli journalists,
to their shame, agreed to be satisfied with the reports and photos
provided by the Army Spokesman, as if they were authentic news, while
they themselves remained miles away from the events. Foreign journalists
were not allowed in either, until they protested and were taken for
quick tours in selected and supervised groups. But in a modern war, such
a sterile manufactured view cannot completely exclude all others – the
cameras are inside the strip, in the middle of the hell, and cannot be
controlled. Aljazeera broadcasts the pictures around the clock and
reaches every home.
THE BATTLE for the TV screen is one of the decisive battles of the war.
Hundreds of millions of Arabs from Mauritania to Iraq, more than a
billion Muslims from Nigeria to Indonesia see the pictures and are
horrified. This has a strong impact on the war. Many of the viewers see
the rulers of Egypt, Jordan and the Palestinian Authority as
collaborators with Israel in carrying out these atrocities against their
Palestinian brothers.
The security services of the Arab regimes are registering a dangerous
ferment among the peoples. Hosny Mubarak, the most exposed Arab leader
because of his closing of the Rafah crossing in the face of terrified
refugees, started to pressure the decision-makers in Washington, who
until that time had blocked all calls for a cease-fire. These began to
understand the menace to vital American interests in the Arab world and
suddenly changed their attitude – causing consternation among the
complacent Israeli diplomats.
People with moral insanity cannot really understand the motives of
normal people and must guess their reactions. “How many divisions has
the Pope?” Stalin sneered. “How many divisions have people of
conscience?” Ehud Barak may well be asking.
As it turns out, they do have some. Not numerous. Not very quick to
react. Not very strong and organized. But at a certain moment, when the
atrocities overflow and masses of protesters come together, that can
decide a war.
THE FAILURE to grasp the nature of Hamas has caused a failure to grasp
the predictable results. Not only is Israel unable to win the war, Hamas
cannot lose it.
Even if the Israeli army were to succeed in killing every Hamas fighter
to the last man, even then Hamas would win. The Hamas fighters would be
seen as the paragons of the Arab nation, the heroes of the Palestinian
people, models for emulation by every youngster in the Arab world. The
West Bank would fall into the hands of Hamas like a ripe fruit, Fatah
would drown in a sea of contempt, the Arab regimes would be threatened
with collapse.
If the war ends with Hamas still standing, bloodied but unvanquished, in
face of the mighty Israeli military machine, it will look like a
fantastic victory, a victory of mind over matter.
What will be seared into the consciousness of the world will be the
image of Israel as a blood-stained monster, ready at any moment to
commit war crimes and not prepared to abide by any moral restraints.
This will have severe consequences for our long-term future, our
standing in the world, our chance of achieving peace and quiet.
In the end, this war is a crime against ourselves too, a crime against
the State of Israel.
__________________
____________________
Je compte les armes et les morts de part et d'autres, non seulement
depuis le 27 décembre mais depuis des décennies palestiniennes, je fais
le calcul des pourcntages et de leur proprotion ; vu le résultat, ma
concience se détermine san ambage sur les actes et la nature de leur
ressources matérielles, et sur les chiffres ; alors, hors des
déclarations, des théories, ou des doctrines, réapparaissent les
fondamentaux traditionnels de la gauche de classe élargie à
l'anti-impérialisme.
Il s'agit de légalisme électoral et de protestation pacifique massive
contre la violence infernale faite aux opprimés et aux spoliés,
l'horrible répression des massacres pour réduire et faire diparaître les
peuples légitimes insoumis à la force. Et comme 100 000 autres citoyens
à le 10 janvier j'ai décidé de marcher dans les rangs de
l'anti-colonialisme pour la paix, sans aucune culpabilité que cela
puisse aider le Hamas qui résiste et se démocratise -- en l'occurence
60% des palestiniens de toutes provenances qui ont voté pour lui en 2006
et furent punis par l'embargo pui par la folmie des masacres et de armes
terribles utilisées, sans s'en désolidariser ni lors de la tuerie des
femmes de Beit Hanoun en 2007 -- notamment une des sources émotionnelles
de la prise du pouvoir qui suivit, considérée par la majorité de la
population de Gaza comme une cause prévisiblement insurrectionnelle.
L.
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