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"If we had tanks we could go all the way to Bulgaria
and Athens."

Time.com
Tuesday, June 19, 2001 

Behind Rebel Lines 


As NATO vacillates over military intervention in
Macedonia, ethnic Albanians advance on the capital 
BY ANDREW PURVIS


The lights of Skopje's international airport twinkled
invitingly on the valley floor, plainly visible to a
small band of ethnic Albanian rebels as they wound
their way up a rutted mountain track one night last
week. In tow were six scraggly horses carrying 1,500
crisp new uniforms, food, and a sack full of mobile
phones destined for new positions 10 km from the
Macedonian capital. "Boom!" whispered a teenage
recruit pointing excitedly at the runway below. "Boom,
boom!" Later an irascible local commander in a
camouflage T shirt and red beret, with the unsettling
habit of firing his automatic weapon into the air when
roused, elaborated for TIME: "We control the Skopje
zone all the way to Kosovo," he said. "If we wanted to
hit the airport or parliament we could." 

The ethnic Albanian rebels who have brought Macedonia
to the brink of war in the past four months may not
have much to recommend them. Their methods are an odd
mixture of ancient and new, their organization is
slipshod and their motives inscrutable. But last week
they succeeded in again grabbing the world's attention
by advancing to within mortar distance of Skopje's
airport, a critical rear supply base for NATO-led
troops in Kosovo. Advancing, actually, may be too
grand a term. They appeared in the hillside town of
Aracinovo, like hyped-up genies, brandishing guns from
a dented pickup truck after encountering only token
resistance from Macedonia's notoriously
thin-on-the-ground security forces. 

But the threat to the capital and airport helped
concentrate the minds of Macedonia's fragile governing
coalition and of NATO, whose members for the first
time raised the possibility of sending troops, though
when and in what capacity is uncertain. Skopje is
requesting military help to "decommission" the rebels,
while the National Liberation Army, as the rebels call
themselves, wants peacekeepers deployed "in the whole
territory of Macedonia," possibly with a view to
solidifying territorial gains. In the near term, NATO
leaders are praying for a political solution: "The
idea of committing troops is one that most nations are
troubled over," said George W. Bush in Brussels. "We
want to try a political settlement first." 

Who doesn't? In Skopje, President Boris Trajkovski
presented a Western-backed peace plan that would
extend the current cease-fire, provide a partial
amnesty for rebels who disarm and speed up efforts to
grant ethnic Albanians equal rights. The plan has not
been rejected by Albanian political parties, but it
falls short of addressing rebel demands for direct
involvement in talks and a place for their soldiers in
a reconstituted national security force. "Totally
unacceptable," snorted a government official. 

If the impasse is edging Macedonia toward civil war,
at one rebel stronghold last week recruits appeared
blissfully unaware of the anxiety they had provoked.
Lounging on picnic tables outside a 14th century
monastery high on a bluff overlooking eastern
Macedonia, several explained how, in their view, there
was little to lose. "I am 25 and haven't worked a day
in my life," said one, dragging on a cigarette. "What
would I do if war ended tomorrow?" A dark-haired young
woman, lugging a sniper rifle two-thirds her size,
said her entire family had joined the fight except her
mother, and she, explained the daughter, "is proud of
us." In the hot summer sun they cleaned their weapons,
listened to Albanian music on a car radio and
burnished the NLA myth. One spraypainted the band's
initials across the monastery's fading 600-year-old
frescoes. "Greater Albania" marked an outer door. "If
we had tanks we could go all the way to Bulgaria and
Athens," bragged the 25-year-old, before being chided
by a fellow soldier: "We are fighting only for our
rights in Macedonia," said his companion, carefully. 

Whatever its intentions, the NLA has found an easy
target in Macedonia's "national unity" government,
which in five weeks has shown itself incapable of
running a military campaign and introducing
legislative changes at the same time. The E.U. says
the government must come up with an initial package of
reforms by June 25 or risk losing aid. But E.U.
pressure is short on substance: cutting off Skopje now
would only deepen the crisis. All of which is making
NATO nervous. Former U.N. ambassadors Richard
Holbrooke and Jeane Kirkpatrick issued a joint
statement urging bolder action. "NATO needs to make it
clear ... that it will not allow Macedonia to be
destroyed," they wrote. No argument there. The
question is: how? 

 
 


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