<x-charset ISO-8859-1>>At 06:37 PM 2/22/04 -0600, you wrote:
> >Walt,
> >
> >The problem that I have with you analogies is that they do not include the
> >UN.  They had involvement.  They were dealing with the situation.
>
>       I have no doubt that the UN would have taken decisive action, 
>just as soon
>as they got around to paying their parking tickets.
>
> >GW Bush
> >said that they were irrelevant.
>
>       Given their sterling record in Rwanda, perhaps he was just 
>being polite.
>
>Walt


http://www.commondreams.org/headlines04/0221-01.htm
Published on Saturday, February 21, 2004 by the Inter Press Service

Chalabi, Garner Provide New Clues to War

by Jim Lobe

WASHINGTON - For those still puzzling over the whys and wherefores of 
Washington's invasion of Iraq 11 months ago, major new, but curiously 
unnoticed, clues were offered this week by two central players in the 
events leading up to the war.

Both clues tend to confirm growing suspicions that the Bush 
administration's drive to war in Iraq had very little, if anything, 
to do with the dangers posed by Saddam Hussein's alleged weapons of 
mass destruction (WMD) or his alleged ties to terrorist groups like 
al-Qaeda -- the two main reasons the U.S. Congress and public were 
given for the invasion.

Separate statements by Ahmed Chalabi, the head of the Iraqi National 
Congress (INC), and U.S. retired Gen Jay Garner, who was in charge of 
planning and administering post-war reconstruction from January 
through May 2002, suggest that other, less public motives were behind 
the war, none of which concerned self-defense, pre-emptive or 
otherwise.

The statement by Chalabi, on whom the neo-conservative and right-wing 
hawks in the Pentagon and Vice President Dick Cheney's office are 
still resting their hopes for a transition that will protect 
Washington's many interests in Iraq, will certainly interest 
congressional committees investigating why the intelligence on WMD 
before the war was so far off the mark.

In a remarkably frank interview with the London 'Daily Telegraph', 
Chalabi said he was willing to take full responsibility for the INC's 
role in providing misleading intelligence and defectors to President 
George W. Bush, Congress and the U.S. public to persuade them that 
Hussein posed a serious threat to the United States that had to be 
dealt with urgently.

The Telegraph reported that Chalabi merely shrugged off accusations 
his group had deliberately misled the administration. ''We are heroes 
in error'', he said.

''As far as we're concerned, we've been entirely successful'', he 
told the newspaper. ''That tyrant Saddam is gone and the Americans 
are in Baghdad. What was said before is not important. The Bush 
administration is looking for a scapegoat. We're ready to fall on our 
swords if he wants''.

It was an amazing admission, and certain to fuel growing suspicions 
on Capitol Hill that Chalabi, whose INC received millions of dollars 
in taxpayer money over the past decade, effectively conspired with 
his supporters in and around the administration to take the United 
States to war on pretenses they knew, or had reason to know, were 
false.

Indeed, it now appears increasingly that defectors handled by the INC 
were sources for the most spectacular and detailed -- if completely 
unfounded -- information about Hussein's alleged WMD programs, not 
only to U.S. intelligence agencies, but also to U.S. mainstream 
media, especially the 'New York Times', according to a recent report 
in the New York 'Review of Books'.

Within the administration, Chalabi worked most closely with those who 
had championed his cause for a decade, particularly neo-conservatives 
around Cheney and Rumsfeld -- Deputy Defense Secretary Paul 
Wolfowitz, Undersecretary of Defense Douglas Feith and Cheney's chief 
of staff, I. Lewis Libby.

Feith's office was home to the office of special plans (OSP) whose 
two staff members and dozens of consultants were tasked with 
reviewing raw intelligence to develop the strongest possible case 
that Hussein represented a compelling threat to the United States.

OSP also worked with the defense policy board (DPB), a hand-picked 
group of mostly neo-conservative hawks chaired until just before the 
war by Richard Perle, a long-time Chalabi friend.

DPB members, particularly Perle, former CIA director James Woolsey 
and former House Speaker Newt Gingrich, played prominent roles in 
publicizing through the media reports by INC defectors and other 
alleged evidence developed by OSP that made Hussein appear as scary 
as possible.

Chalabi even participated in a secret DPB meeting just a few days 
after the Sep. 11, 2001 attacks on New York and the Pentagon in which 
the main topic of discussion, according to the 'Wall Street Journal', 
was how 9/11 could be used as a pretext for attacking Iraq.

The OSP and a parallel group under Feith, the Counter Terrorism 
Evaluation Group, have become central targets of congressional 
investigators, according to aides on Capitol Hill, while unconfirmed 
rumors circulated here this week that members of the DPB are also 
under investigation.

The question, of course, is whether the individuals involved were 
themselves taken in by what Chalabi and the INC told them or whether 
they were willing collaborators in distorting the intelligence in 
order to move the country to war for their own reasons..

It appears that Chalabi, whose family, it was reported this week, has 
extensive interests in a company that has already been awarded more 
than 400 million dollars in reconstruction contracts, is signaling 
his willingness to take all of the blame, or credit, for the faulty 
intelligence.

But one of the reasons for going to war was suggested quite directly 
by Garner -- who also worked closely with Chalabi and the same cohort 
of U.S. hawks in the run-up to the war and during the first few weeks 
of occupation -- in an interview with 'The National Journal'.

Asked how long U.S. troops might remain in Iraq, Garner replied, ''I 
hope they're there a long time'', and then compared U.S. goals in 
Iraq to U.S. military bases in the Philippines between 1898 and 1992.

''One of the most important things we can do right now is start 
getting basing rights with (the Iraqi authorities)'', he said. ''And 
I think we'll have basing rights in the north and basing rights in 
the south ... we'd want to keep at least a brigade''.

''Look back on the Philippines around the turn of the 20th century: 
they were a coaling station for the navy, and that allowed us to keep 
a great presence in the Pacific. That's what Iraq is for the next few 
decades: our coaling station that gives us great presence in the 
Middle East'', Garner added.

While U.S. Military strategists have hinted for some time that a 
major goal of war was to establish several bases in Iraq, 
particularly given the ongoing military withdrawal from Saudi Arabia, 
Garner is the first to state it so baldly.

Until now, U.S. Military chiefs have suggested they need to retain a 
military presence just to ensure stability for several years, during 
which they expect to draw down their forces.

If indeed Garner's understanding represents the thinking of his 
former bosses, then the ongoing struggle between Cheney and the 
Pentagon on the one hand and the State Department on the other over 
how much control Washington is willing to give the United Nations 
over the transition to Iraqi rule becomes more comprehensible.

Ceding too much control, particularly before a base agreement can be 
reached with whatever Iraqi authority will take over Jun. 30, will 
make permanent U.S. bases much less likely.

…?Copyright 2004 IPS

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