See also:

http://lists.essential.org/pipermail/corp-focus/2003/000158.html
We Had a Democracy Once, But You Crushed It
By Russell Mokhiber and Robert Weissman

NYT review of Stephen Kinzer's new book, All the Shah's Men: An 
American Coup and the Roots of Middle East Terror:
http://www.nytimes.com/2003/08/10/books/review/10BASS.html
'All the Shah's Men': Regime Change, Circa 1953

Keith


http://www.fpif.org/commentary/2003/0308iranhist.html
Foreign Policy In Focus | Global Affairs Commentary |

Iran and the Forgotten Anniversary

By Arnold Oliver | August 29, 2003

Editor: John Gershman, Interhemispheric Resource Center (IRC)

Foreign Policy In Focus
www.fpif.org

The talk of regime change in Iran that now fills the air in 
Washington is not new. Although very few Americans are aware of it, 
August of this year marks the fiftieth anniversary of a vital, yet 
little-known chapter in American foreign policy--a military coup 
against the elected leaders of Iran orchestrated by the U.S. Central 
Intelligence Agency.

Before hostilities with Iran once again expand past the point of no 
return, we really ought to have the kind of informed, reasoned 
national debate that was so notably absent prior to the invasion of 
Iraq. In order to begin to do that, we will have to review the 
momentous events of 1953 and some of their far-reaching consequences.

For several years after the Second World War, the U.S. had a positive 
image with many Iranians. After helping to convince occupying Soviet 
forces to leave the country, and attempting to mediate an agreement 
between Iran and Great Britain, the American government was generally 
well regarded. But these good relations were not to last.

During the summer of 1953--in an eerie parallel to today's events--a 
major crisis developed between Tehran and Washington. At that time 
Iran was an emerging democracy with elected leaders. Led by the 
popular Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadeq, it was embroiled in a 
conflict with the British over oil. The Anglo-Iranian Oil Company was 
owned by British interests and supported by the British government. 
In a grossly unequal colonial-style arrangement, the Iranians were 
not even allowed to examine the ledgers.

As the dispute with the British intensified, the Iranians finally 
became determined to nationalize their country's oil industry. The 
British responded by freezing Iranian assets, imposing a worldwide 
embargo on Iran's oil, and pulling their technicians out of the 
country. Oil output slowed to a trickle, Iran's economy went into a 
tailspin, and unrest grew. Britain's destabilization efforts were 
working.

Although the Truman government had been sympathetic to Iran, in 1953 
the new Eisenhower administration accepted the British view that the 
Iranian regime had to go. On July 11th President Eisenhower secretly 
signed an order to overthrow Iran's young democracy. The die was cast.

On August 19th the U.S.-orchestrated military coup emerged 
triumphant, and the exiled monarch, Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, was 
installed on the Peacock Throne. A secret history of this CIA 
operation, written in 1954 by agent and participant Donald Wilber and 
leaked to the press a few years ago, leaves no doubt as to the 
central role played by the United States.

Had the Shah been a benevolent ruler, the image of the U.S. in Iran 
might not have become so tarnished, but benevolent he was not. And to 
make matters worse--much worse--American and Israeli intelligence 
agents organized SAVAK, the Shah's personal secret security force. 
Before long, Iran developed into a full-blown police state complete 
with thousands of informers, censorship, arbitrary arrest and 
imprisonment, and widespread torture and assassination. Of course, 
none of this was a secret to the Shah's many U.S. advisers.

According to the Harvard Human Rights Journal, many of SAVAK's 15,000 
full-time agents were "trained in the United States and Israel where 
they learned 'scientific' methods to prevent unwanted deaths from 
'brute force'." Electrified chairs fitted with metal masks were used 
"to muffle screams while amplifying them for the victim." Another 
historian called the Shah's methods of torture "horrendous," and 
"equal to the worst ever devised."

Aiming to terrorize an entire population, SAVAK repression was both 
extreme and widespread. Few Iranian families were spared, and among 
the victims were family members of the Shiite clerics who would later 
overthrow the Shah's regime in 1979, and spark the seizure and 
hostage-taking crisis at the U.S. embassy.

An honest assessment of these events would lead to an understanding 
of why the United States government is loathed by so many Iranians. 
They are fully aware of American complicity with the Shah's 
twenty-five year reign of terror. The pundits who are now predicting 
that the Iranian people will welcome "liberation" by American arms 
(many of them said the same thing about Iraq) could hardly be more in 
error.

Iran has already suffered one horrific "regime change" at the hands 
of the West. Far from being threatened with another one, its people 
are morally and legally entitled to compensation as well as a formal 
apology. The U.S. trade embargo against Iran should be lifted as 
well. The issue of weapons of mass destruction can only be resolved 
in the context of recognizing that Iran has legitimate, real, and 
rational security concerns.

For its part, Iran also needs to make changes. Its government must 
show far more respect for the rights of dissidents and demonstrators. 
All political prisoners should be released. The internal security 
agents who recently murdered Canadian journalist Zahra Kazemi must 
face justice.

A judicious mix of honest atonement by both sides, along with other 
confidence-building measures, can lay the foundation for a new and 
mutually beneficial relationship between the two countries.

But above all, Americans need to acknowledge that the overthrow of 
the Iranian government in 1953 was a dark chapter in the history of 
the United States, and we must resolve that it not be repeated.

(Arnold Oliver <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> teaches Political Science at 
Heidelberg College in Ohio, and is the Director of the College's 
International Studies Program. A Vietnam veteran, he has written 
extensively on American foreign policy. He wrote this for Foreign 
Policy in Focus (online at www.fpif.org).)

 

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