http://www.alternet.org/story/32077/

Permanent Energy Crisis

By Michael Klare, Tomdispatch.com. Posted February 13, 2006.

There are many reasons to believe that, unlike the gas and 
electricity crises of the 70s, 80s and 90s, the energy troubles we 
now face will last for decades.

President Bush's State of the Union comment that the United States is 
"addicted to oil" can be read as pure political opportunism. With 
ever more Americans expressing anxiety about high oil prices, 
freakish weather patterns and abiding American ties to unsavory 
foreign oil potentates, it is hardly surprising that Bush sought to 
portray himself as an advocate of the development of alternative 
energy systems.

But there is another, more ominous way to read his comments: that top 
officials have come to realize that the United States and the rest of 
the world face a new and growing danger -- a permanent energy crisis 
that imperils the health and well-being of every society on earth.

To be sure, the United States has experienced severe energy crises 
before: the 1973-74 "oil shock" with its mile-long gas lines, the 
1979-80 crisis following the fall of the Shah of Iran and the 2000-01 
electricity blackouts in California, among others. But the crisis 
taking shape in 2006 has a new look to it. First of all, it is likely 
to last for decades, not just months or a handful of years; second, 
it will engulf the entire planet, not just a few countries; and 
finally, it will do more than just cripple the global economy -- its 
political, military and environmental effects will be equally severe.

If you had to date it, you could say that our permanent energy crisis 
began, appropriately enough, on New Year's Day 2006, when Russia's 
state-owned natural gas monopoly, Gazprom, cut off gas deliveries to 
Ukraine in punishment for that country's pro-Western leanings. 
Although Gazprom has since resumed some deliveries, it is now evident 
that Moscow is fully prepared to employ its abundant energy reserves 
as a political weapon at a time of looming natural gas shortages 
worldwide. It won't be the last country to do so in the years to come.

In just the few weeks since then, the world has experienced a series 
of similar energy-related disturbances:


* The sabotage of natural gas pipelines to the former Soviet republic 
of Georgia, producing widespread public discomfort at a time of 
unusually frigid temperatures.
* An eruption of oil-related ethnic violence in Nigeria, resulting in 
a sharp reduction in that country's petroleum output.
* Threats by Iran to cut off exports of oil and gas in retaliation 
for any sanctions imposed by the U.N. Security Council over its 
suspect nuclear enrichment activities.
* And as a result of such developments, a series of minispikes in 
crude oil prices as well as reports in the business press that, if 
this pattern of instability continues, such prices could easily rise 
beyond $80 per barrel to the once unimaginable $100 per barrel range.

Vectors of Crisis

Events like these will certainly spread economic pain and hardship 
globally, especially to those who cannot afford higher transportation 
and heating-fuel costs. As it happens, though, these are not 
isolated, unrelated events. Think of them as expressions of a deeper 
crisis. Like the tremors before a major earthquake, they suggest the 
dangerous accumulation of powerful energy forces that will roil the 
planet for years to come.

Although we cannot hope to foresee all the ways such forces will 
affect the global human community, the primary vectors of the 
permanent energy crisis can be identified and charted. Three such 
vectors, in particular, demand attention: a slowing in the growth of 
energy supplies at a time of accelerating worldwide demand; rising 
political instability provoked by geopolitical competition for those 
supplies; and mounting environmental woes produced by our continuing 
addiction to oil, natural gas and coal. Each of these would be cause 
enough for worry, but it is their intersection that we need to fear 
above all.

Energy experts have long warned that global oil and gas supplies are 
not likely to be sufficiently expandable to meet anticipated demand. 
As far back as the mid-1990s, peak-oil theorists like Kenneth 
Deffeyes of Princeton University and Colin Campbell of the 
Association for the Study of Peak Oil (ASPO) insisted that the world 
was heading for a peak-oil moment and would soon face declining 
petroleum output. At first, most mainstream experts dismissed these 
claims as simplistic and erroneous, while government officials and 
representatives of the big oil companies derided them. Recently, 
however, a sea-change in elite opinion has been evident. First 
Matthew Simmons, the chairman of Simmons and Company International of 
Houston, America's leading energy-industry investment bank, and then 
David O'Reilly, CEO of Chevron, the country's second largest oil 
firm, broke ranks with their fellow oil magnates and embraced the 
peak-oil thesis. O'Reilly has been particularly outspoken, taking 
full-page ads in the New York Times and other papers to declare, "One 
thing is clear: The era of easy oil is over."

The exact moment of peak oil's arrival is not as important as the 
fact that world oil output will almost certainly fall short of global 
demand, given the fossil-fuel voraciousness of the older 
industrialized nations, especially the United States, and soaring 
demand from China, India and other rapidly growing countries. The 
U.S. Department of Energy (DoE) projects global oil demand to grow by 
35 percent between 2004 and 2025 -- from 82 million to 111 million 
barrels per day. The DoE predicts that daily oil output will rise by 
a conveniently similar amount -- from 83 million to 111 million 
barrels.

Voila -- the problem of oil sufficiency disappears. But even a 
cursory glance at the calculations made by the DoE's experts is 
enough to raise suspicions: Behind such estimates lies the assumption 
that key oil producers like Iran, Iraq, Nigeria and Saudi Arabia can 
double or triple their oil production -- unlikely in the extreme, 
according to most sober analysts. On top of this, the DoE has been 
lowering its own oil-production estimates: In 2003, it predicted that 
global oil output would reach 123 million barrels per day by 2025; by 
the end of 2005, that number had already dropped by12 million 
barrels, reflecting a growing pessimism even among the globe's great 
oil optimists.

This is not to say that oil will disappear in the years ahead: There 
will still be adequate supplies for well-heeled consumers who can 
afford higher fuel bills. But much of the world's easy-to-acquire 
petroleum has already been extracted and significant portions of what 
remains can only be found in places that present significant drilling 
challenges like the hurricane-prone Gulf of Mexico or the 
iceberg-infested waters of the North Atlantic -- or in perennially 
conflict-ridden and sabotage-vulnerable areas of Africa, Central Asia 
and the Middle East.

No Escape from Scarcity

To make the energy picture grimmer, "spare" or "surge" capacity seems 
to be disappearing in the major oil-producing regions. At one time, 
key producers like Saudi Arabia retained an excess production 
capacity, allowing them to rapidly boost their output in times of 
potential energy crises like the 1990-91 Gulf War. But Saudi Arabia, 
like the other big suppliers, is now producing at full tilt and so 
possesses zero capacity to increase output. In other words, any 
politically inspired (or sabotage-related) cutoff in oil exports from 
countries like Russia or Iran will produce instant energy shock on a 
global scale and send oil prices soaring to, or through, that $100 a 
barrel barrier.

A chronic shortage of oil would be hard enough for the world 
community to cope with even if other sources of energy were in great 
supply. But this is not the case. Natural gas -- the world's second 
leading source of energy -- is also at risk of future shortages. 
While there are still major deposits of gas in Russia and Iran 
(potentially the world's No. 1 and 2 suppliers) waiting to be tapped, 
obstacles to their exploitation loom large. The United States is 
doing everything it can to prevent Iran from exporting its gas (for 
example, by strong-arming India into abandoning a proposed gas 
pipeline from Iran), while Moscow has actively discouraged Europe 
from increasing its reliance on Russian gas through its recent cutoff 
of supplies to Ukraine and other worrisome actions.

In North America, the supply of natural gas is rapidly disappearing. 
In a reflection of our desperate (and demented) condition, Canada is 
now starting to divert some of its remaining natural gas to the 
manufacture of synthetic oil from tar sands, so as to ease the 
pressure on supplies of conventional petroleum. Given the prohibitive 
cost of building gas pipelines from Asia and Africa, the only 
practical way to get more gas supplies to North America would be to 
spend several hundred billion dollars (or more) on facilities for 
converting foreign sources of gas into liquified natural gas (LNG), 
shipping the LNG in giant doubled-hulled vessels across the Atlantic 
and Pacific and then converting it back into a gas in 
"regasification" plants in American harbors. Although favored by the 
Bush administration, plans to construct such plants have provoked 
opposition in many coastal communities because of the risk of 
accidental explosion as well as the potential for inviting terrorist 
attacks.

As for renewables -- wind, solar and biomass -- these are still at a 
relatively early stage of development. With a trillion dollars or so 
of added investment, they could indeed ease some of the strain on 
fossil fuels in decades to come; however, at present rates of 
investment, this is not likely to occur. The same can be said of 
"safe" nuclear power and "clean" coal. Even if the severe problems 
associated with both of these energy options could be overcome, it 
would take several decades and a few trillion dollars before they 
could possibly replace existing energy systems. The only source of 
energy that can compensate for a shortage of oil and gas at this time 
is conventional (unclean) coal, and a rise in its consumption would 
increase the risk of catastrophic climate change.

The New "Great Game"

With looming energy shortages, the risk of conflict over energy 
access (and the wealth fossil fuels generate) is certain to grow. 
Throughout history, competition over the control of key supplies of 
vital raw materials has been a source of friction between major 
powers, and there is every reason to assume that this will continue 
to be the case. "Just at it did when the Great Game was played out in 
the decades leading up to the First World War, ongoing 
industrialization is setting off a scramble for natural resources," 
John Gray of the London School of Economics observed in a recent 
article in the New York Review of Books. "The coming century could be 
marked by recurrent resource wars, as the great powers struggle for 
control of the world's hydrocarbons."

As in the Great Game, such conflicts most likely would not arise from 
head-on clashes between the great powers, but rather through the 
escalation of local conflicts sustained by great power involvement, 
as was the case in the Balkans prior to World War I. In their 
competitive pursuit of assured energy supplies, today's great powers 
-- led by the United States and China -- are developing or cementing 
close ties with favored suppliers in the Middle East, Central Asia 
and Africa. In many cases, this entails the delivery of large 
quantities of advanced weaponry, advisors and military technology -- 
as the United States has long been doing with Saudi Arabia, Kuwait 
and the United Arab Emirates, and China is now doing with Iran and 
Sudan.

Nor should the possibility of a direct clash over oil and gas between 
great powers be ruled out. In the East China Sea, for example, China 
and Japan have both laid claim to an undersea natural gas field that 
lies in an offshore area also claimed by both of them. In recent 
months, Chinese and Japanese combat ships and planes deployed in the 
area have made threatening moves toward one another; so far no shots 
have been fired, but neither Beijing nor Tokyo have displayed any 
willingness to compromise on the matter and the risk of escalation is 
growing with each new encounter.

The likelihood of internal conflict in oil-producing countries is 
also destined to grow in tandem with the steady rise of energy 
prices. The higher the price of petroleum, the greater the potential 
to reap mammoth profits from control of a nation's oil exports -- and 
so the greater the incentive to seize power in such states or, for 
those already in power, to prevent the loss of control to a rival 
clique by any means necessary. Hence the rise of authoritarian 
petro-regimes in many of the oil-producing countries and the 
persistence of ethnic conflict between various groups seeking control 
over state-oil revenues -- a phenomenon notable today in Iraq (where 
Shiites, Sunnis and Kurds are battling over the allocation of future 
oil revenues) and in Nigeria (where competing tribes in the oil-rich 
Delta region are fighting over measly "development grants" handed out 
by the major foreign oil firms).

"Up to this point," Sen. Richard G. Lugar told the Senate Foreign 
Relations Committee on Nov. 16, "the main issues surrounding oil have 
been how much we have to pay for it and whether we will experience 
supply disruptions. But in the decades to come, the issue may be 
whether the world's supply of oil is abundant and accessible enough 
to support continued economic growth. When we reach the point where 
the world's oil-hungry economies are competing for insufficient 
supplies of energy, oil will become an even stronger magnet for 
conflict than it already is."

Averting Environmental Catastrophe

In addition to this danger, we face the entire range of environmental 
perils associated with our continuing reliance on fossil fuels. 
Consider this: The DoE predicted in July 2005 that worldwide 
emissions of carbon dioxide (the principal source of the "greenhouse 
gases" responsible for global warming) will rise by nearly 60 percent 
between 2002 and 2025 -- with virtually all of this increase, about 
15 billion metric tons of CO2, coming from the consumption of oil, 
gas and coal. If this projection proves accurate, the world will 
probably pass the threshold at which it will be possible to avert 
significant global heating, a substantial rise in sea levels and all 
the resulting environmental damage.

The surest way to slow the increase in global carbon emissions is to 
reduce our consumption of fossil fuels and accelerate the transition 
to alternative forms of energy. But because such alternatives are not 
currently capable of replacing oil, gas and coal on a significant 
scale (and won't be, at present rates of investment, for another few 
decades), the temptation to increase reliance on fossil fuels is 
likely to remain strong. We are, in fact, caught in a conundrum: The 
world needs more energy to satisfy rising global demand, and the only 
way to accomplish this at present is to squeeze out more oil, gas and 
coal from the Earth, thereby hastening the onset of catastrophic 
climate change. In turn, the only way to avert such change is to 
consume less oil, gas and coal, which would involve severe economic 
costs of a sort that most national leaders would be reluctant to 
consider. Hence, we will be trapped in a permanent crisis brought on 
by our collective addiction to cheap energy.

The sole way out of this trap is to bite the bullet and adopt heroic 
measures to curb our fossil-fuel consumption while embarking upon a 
massive program to develop alternative energy systems -- an effort 
comparable to, and in some sense a reversal of, the coal- and 
oil-fueled industrial revolution of the 19th and 20th centuries. In 
the United States, this would, at an utter minimum, entail the 
imposition of a hefty tax on gasoline consumption, with the resulting 
proceeds used to fund the rapid development of renewable energy 
systems.

All funds now slated for highway construction should instead be 
devoted to public transit and high-speed intercity rail lines, and 
all new cars sold in America after 2010 should have minimum average 
fuel efficiencies of 50 miles per gallon or higher. This will prove 
costly and disruptive -- but what other choice is there if we want to 
have some hope of exiting the permanent global energy crisis before 
the global economy collapses or the planet becomes uninhabitable by 
humans?

Michael Klare is a professor of peace and world security studies at 
Hampshire College in Amherst, Mass., and the author of "Blood and 
Oil: The Dangers and Consequences of America's Growing Petroleum 
Dependency."


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