Lots of hotlinked refs in the website version.

See also:

> >Early use by the United States of low-yield nuclear bombs with 
>better bunker-busting ability than conventional bombs targeting 
>Iranian nuclear, chemical and missile installations would be 
>consistent with the new U.S. nuclear weapons doctrine and could be 
>argued to be necessary to protect the lives of 150,000 U.S. soldiers 
>in Iraq and of Israeli citizens. It would also send a clear message 
>to Iran that any response would be answered by a far more 
>devastating nuclear attack, thus potentially saving both American 
>and Iranian lives.
>-- America's nuclear ticking bomb | The San Diego Union-Tribune
>By Jorge Hirsch
>January 3, 2006
>http://www.signonsandiego.com/uniontrib/20060103/news_mz1e3hirsch.html
>
> >The IAEA resolution of September 24 2005 allows the United States 
>to carry out a nuclear attack against Iran "legally."
>IAEA resolution:
>http://www.iaea.org/Publications/Documents/Board/2005/gov2005-77.pdf
>-- A 'Legal' US Nuclear Attack Against Iran
>by Jorge Hirsch
>November 12, 2005
>http://www.antiwar.com/orig/hirsch.php?articleid=8007
>
> >All the elements have been put in place carefully and methodically 
>for the U.S. to use tactical nuclear weapons against Iran in a way 
>that will seem "acceptable" at first sight, as discussed in previous 
>columns: the new nuclear doctrine, the nuclear hitmen, the weapons, 
>the justification, the legal framework, and the public mindset.
>-- America and Iran: At the Brink of the Abyss
>by Jorge Hirsch
>February 20, 2006
>http://www.antiwar.com/orig/hirsch.php?articleid=8577

------

http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article15985.htm

Why did Russia and China vote to sanction Iran?

By Jorge Hirsch

12/26/06 "Information Clearing House" -- -- In the aftermath of the 
Dec. 23 United Nations Security Council unanimous vote imposing 
sanctions or Iran for failing to suspend uranium enrichment (see text 
of resolution here), one has to wonder: why did Russia and China go 
along with it?

Iran's pursuit of uranium enrichment for civilian nuclear purposes is 
allowed by the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, and the IAEA has 
found no indication that Iran has diverted any nuclear material to 
military purposes. While Russia may prefer for its own reasons that 
Iran not enrich uranium, it fully recognizes that Iran's pursuit is 
legal under international law. Furthermore, as Western news media 
constantly emphasize, Russia and China have extensive commercial ties 
with Iran, hence it is not in their interest to antagonize Iran. 
Their support of UNSC1737 doesn't seem to make sense.

The UNSC vote is ominous because it allows Bush to cut and paste from 
his March 17th 2003 speech on the impending Iraq attack, substituting 
"q" for "n":


* The (Iraqi) Iranian regime has used diplomacy as a ploy to gain 
time and advantage. It has uniformly defied Security Council 
resolutions

* [The regime] has a deep hatred of America and our friends. And it 
has aided, trained and harbored terrorists, including operatives of 
al Qaeda. (see 9/11 commission report)

* Recognizing the threat to our country, the United States Congress 
voted overwhelmingly last year (to support the use of force against 
Iraq) to "hold the current regime in Iran accountable for its 
threatening behavior".

* America tried to work with the United Nations to address this 
threat because we wanted to resolve the issue peacefully.

* For the last four-and-a-half months, the United States and our 
allies have worked within the Security Council to enforce that 
Council's long-standing demands. Yet, some permanent members of the 
Security Council have publicly announced they will veto any 
resolution that compels (the disarmament of Iraq) the 
denuclearization of Iran. These governments share our assessment of 
the danger, but not our resolve to meet it.

* The United Nations Security Council has not lived up to its 
responsibilities, so we will rise to ours.

* Should (Saddam Hussein) Mahmoud Ahmadinejad choose confrontation, 
the American people can know that every measure has been taken to 
avoid war, and every measure will be taken to win it.

* [T]he only way to reduce the harm and duration of war is to apply 
the full force and might of our military, and we are prepared to do 
so.

In the case of Iran, this last statement would be especially ominous, 
because it would signal that the US will use nuclear weapons against 
Iran. Recall that Bush has explicitly refused to take the option of a 
US nuclear strike against Iran off the table.

Many other statements in the March 17th 2003 speech apply even better 
to Iran than they did to Iraq. "Inteligence gathered by this and 
other governments leaves no doubt that the Iraq regime continues to 
possess and conceal some of the most lethal weapons ever devised" was 
false, but that Iran is enriching uranium is true. Saddam could not 
disarm of weapons it didn't have, but Iran could bow to Bush's demand 
and stop its nuclear enrichment program, hence the statement that by 
refusing to do so it would be "choosing" war is somewhat less 
farfetched. Iran's alleged threats against Israel will undoubtedly be 
prominently featured in Bush's speeches defending military action 
against Iran.

Iran will not stop its enrichment program, certainly not as a 
precondition to negotiations. This should be obvious to Bush, as well 
as to Russia and China. Hence one must ask: why is Bush pursuing this 
approach, and why are Russia and China, albeit reluctantly, 
supporting it?

What are Bush's intentions toward Iran?

If Bush had any intention of reaching a negotiated agreement with 
Iran, he had plenty of opportunities to pursue such options, as 
recently detailed by Flynt Leverett (see complete article here) 
[pdf]. In the absence of any concession by the US, Iran will not 
submit to US demands, and weak sanctions resolutions do not exert any 
real pressure on Iran. This has been clear to many observers 
including this author for many months. The only rational explanation 
to understand the US push to pass resolutions against Iran, no matter 
how weak, is that its purpose is to lay the ground for planned 
military action.

If the intention is to attack Iran, it was important for Bush to have 
this UNSC resolution ( and the preceding one of July 31st) approved 
unanimously, that makes a demand on Iran that Iran will not meet, to 
provide a fig-leaf argument that "the world" demands action, as UNSC 
1441 did in the case of Iraq.

Why did Russia and China support sanctions?

Russia and China could have chosen to veto the resolution, or at 
least abstain. Instead, after negotiating to water it down, they 
voted for sanctions. Why?

One could argue that they sincerely would prefer that Iran stops 
enriching uranium, permanently or at least temporarily, to defuse 
tensions. That may well be so. However, there has never been any 
indication that Iran would be inclined to stop enriching uranium if 
such sanctions are imposed, quite the contrary. These sanctions have 
essentially no effect on Iran, and Iran is in a position where it 
could live with even much stronger sanctions without much problem. So 
Iran's defiant reaction to the latest UN resolution was entirely 
predictable.

So I argue that Russia and China's vote is understandable only under 
the assumption that private discussions have been going on between 
them and the US. Their vote is understandable if in those private 
discussions:


* Bush strongly indicated that he would use military force if Russia 
and China didn't agree to support sanctions.

* Bush gave private assurances to Russia and China that he would not 
initiate military action against Iran without UNSC consent.

* Bush demanded that his private assurances remain private, arguing 
that making them public would underminde the diplomatic effort by 
reducing the pressure on Iran.

* Bush said that if his private assurances were made public 
deliberately or accidentally after the UNSC vote, they would no 
longer be binding.

A hint suggesting that such private assurances have been given is 
that Bush and Putin have publicly stressed the importance of a 
"unified position" on Iran. As long as there is a "unified position" 
Iran will not be attacked, because Putin would never agree to such a 
course of action.

Are Bush's private assurances believable?

I will not make a judgment of how trustworthy President Bush is. 
However I argue that the evidence clearly indicates that any private 
assurances given by Bush to Russia and China that he will not resort 
to military action against Iran without Security Council approval 
were only given to induce them to support the UN action, and that he 
has no intention of honoring them.

The reason is simply that there is no other way to understand what 
Bush's purpose is in the approach being pursued, other than to reach 
a diplomatic impasse and subsequently resort to military action. The 
more sanctions are imposed, the less inclined and the less likely 
Iran will be to engage in compromise.

On the other hand, any private and public assurances that Bush may 
have given Israel regarding US support of Israel against Iran are 
likely to be honored by Bush, with Congress' full support.

The final conditions for the impending military action are being 
rapidly put in place as we speak:


* Dec. 19: U.S. is sending aircraft carriers to the Persian Gulf to 
"warn" Iran.

* Dec. 20: Blair singles out Iran as the main obstacle to peace in 
the Middle East.

* Dec. 23: UNSC sanctions resolution passes.

How will it get started? Either a Gulf-of-Tonkin-like incident, or an 
attack by Israel, or an incident in Iraq that will be blamed on Iran. 
Anything to provoke an Iranian response, argue "self-defense", and 
escalate the confrontation till it leads to taking out our big guns, 
nuclear weapons.

How can it be prevented?

As I and other authors have argued, a military confrontation with 
Iran is bound to lead to the US use of nuclear weapons. That is the 
only way the US can hope for "rapid and favorable war termination on 
US terms". In the absence of a "nuclear option" the US is highly 
unlikely to attack Iran because it would carry a huge military cost. 
However it should be clear to most rational people that a US use of 
nuclear weapons, no matter how small, against Iran would have 
disastrous consequences for the future of the world.

Consequently I argue that to prevent a military confrontation with 
Iran and facilitate a diplomatic solution it is essential to focus on 
getting the US nuclear option against Iran off the table.

Russia and China may already have privately assured Bush that a US 
use of nuclear weapons against Iran would not be acceptable to them 
under any circumstances, no matter what the "military necessity" or 
the "surprising military developments" are, and that any US 
preparations planning for contingency use like forward deployment of 
tactical nuclear weapons would not be acceptable to them. Russia and 
China may already have privately warned Bush of actions they may take 
in response to a US nuclear use against Iran, from diplomatic to 
economic to military. Russia and China could ask that Bush publicly 
takes the "nuclear option" off the table as a condition to support 
any further diplomatic action against Iran. The US nuclear option 
against Iran is not going to pressure Iran to abandon enrichment, 
quite the contrary, and taking it off the table would certainly help 
to defuse tension.

The newly elected democratic Congress could take the US nuclear 
option against Iran off the table. Congress could pass a law 
prohibiting the US military from using nuclear weapons against 
non-nuclear-weapon states. Here is an example of such a bill. While 
the Constitution makes the President the "Commander in Chief", it 
assigns Congress the responsibility to "make rules for the government 
and regulation" of the armed forces. Hence Congress could pass a law 
removing the authority of Bush to order the use of nuclear weapons 
against Iran, unless Congress first declares Iran to be a nuclear 
power.

Members of Congress should bring this issue to the forefront of 
public attention, call for hearings and introduce bills addressing 
the US nuclear weapons use issue. Representative Dennis Kucinich has 
taken the lead by publicly calling for the US to renounce nuclear 
first-strike policy. Any private assurances that members of Congress 
may have been given regarding US plans for nuclear weapons deployment 
and use should be made public. The public has a right to know.

The US use of nuclear weapons against Iran will affect America for 
generations to come. It is the responsibility of every member of 
Congress to do everything possible to remove the possibility that 
such a momentous decision could be made singlehandedly by a President 
that has earned a record low approval rating. Just as "obeying 
orders" is no excuse under international law for committing illegal 
and immoral acts, each member of Congress will be fully responsible 
for choosing to ignore this issue.

Jorge Hirsch is a Professor of Physics at the University of 
California at San Diego, a fellow of the American Physical Society, 
and organizer of a recent petition, circulated among leading 
physicists, opposing the new nuclear weapons policies adopted by the 
US in the past 5 years. He is a frequent commentator on Iran and 
nuclear weapons. Email to: [EMAIL PROTECTED]


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