http://grain.org/seedling/?id=509

Canadian agriculture "probably the least profitable in the world"

Darrin Qualman

Darrin Qualman is director of research for Canada's National Farmers
Union, where he has worked for 12 years. Before that, he farmed near
Saskatoon, Saskatchewan. Darrin is the author of several reports,
including The Farm Crisis, Bigger Farms, and the Myths of Competition and
Efficiency and, with Nettie Wiebe, The Structural Adjustment of Canadian
Agriculture.

Q. Many farmers in the developing world think of farmers in the North as
prosperous, but that isn't the experience of Canadian farmers since the
mid-1980s, is it?

No, it isn't. The 1960s and 1970s were pretty good for Canadian farmers.
The crash in farm income came in 1985 concurrently with the rise of
corporate concentration and the spread of massive input dependence. Canada
adopted a model of high-output, high-tech, high-input, high-energy-use,
high-cost farming. The US, Australia, EU, Japan, and some other parts of
the world did likewise. Canada now spends about US$4 billion per year on
farm support payments. While some of this money goes to livestock
producers, most goes to farmers growing grains, oilseeds, or other crops.
These payments work out to roughly US$50 per acre, on a gross basis. On
top of these publicly-funded payments, farmers also support their farm
losses by working off-farm – one spouse or both take jobs in local towns
or cities to earn money to support the farm. Farmers also have utilised
increased debt as a way of keeping their farms afloat; debt today is
triple its mid-1980s level. On a per-acre basis, debt now stands at US$675
per acre – more than land sells for in many areas. In order to stave off
insolvency ,as well as using subsidies, off-farm income and debt, farmers
have also begun to draw down their equity – not replacing machinery or
fixing buildings. And many have borrowed against their farms'
intergenerational future – using for living expenses money that would
otherwise be used to finance the entry of the next generation of farmers.

What is happening in Canada is happening around the world. Those countries
that similarly use the high-tech model – the US, EU, etc. – similarly
dispense billions in subsidies. Big-acreage, big-input farming goes with
big subsidies. The former seems to require the latter, contrary to
rhetoric about "efficiency."

Getting back to Canada, on a rough, per-acre basis, crop producers here
are probably losing about $50 to $100 on every acre – as reflected in
subsidy and debt levels. Canada's high-input, high-tech, high-cost food
production model is probably the least profitable in the world.

Peasant farmers using traditional, knowledge-intensive systems are much
more profitable. While Canadian farmers are consistently losing money,
it's certain that the same is not true in more traditional systems in Asia
or Africa. Those systems must generate positive returns or they will very
soon cease – there are no multi-billion-dollar subsidies available to
paper over the losses. Speaking generally, a peasant using traditional
methods – hoe, draft animal, or small tractor tillage, locally suited and
diverse farm-saved seeds, dung or other naturally sourced fertility – is
much more profitable than a Canadian or US farmer racing to cover ten
thousand acres in a satellite guided, 400-horsepower tractor. The latter
may live in greater luxury and privilege than the former, but that is not
a reflection of the efficiency or profitability of the food production
system each employs.

Q. You say that Canadian farmers are consistently losing money, but we
know that the whole industrial food system generates billions of dollars.
Who is making the profits?

To understand industrial agriculture, think about our food production
system as a chain, one stretching from oil fields at one end, to the
drive-through window at the other. At one end of the chain, oil is made
into tractor fuel and natural gas is made into nitrogen fertiliser. This
energy supply is the absolute basis of our food supply. In a fertiliser
plant, a big natural gas pipe goes in one side and a big anhydrous ammonia
(nitrogen fertiliser) pipe comes out the other. Fossil fuel is our primary
source of fertility – we are, as some have pointed out, eating oil.

At the next link in the chain, still more petroleum is used, to make farm
chemicals – weed and insect killers. Then comes a farm machinery link.
Next comes the seed company link and a veterinary drug link. Then the bank
link, where we get our operating capital. In the middle of this chain is
the farmer. Past the farmer, we find grain company links, food processors
and packers, retailers and restaurants.

Three things stand out about this chain: first, each link is dominated by
a tiny number of companies. In Canada, four or five corporations supply
farmers with their fuel, four make most of the fertiliser, two-and-a-half
dominate machinery production. On the other side of the farmer, the
numbers are the same: two companies dominate beef packing, four make most
of the flour, a tiny number make cereals or crackers. Five companies
control grocery retail. And a declining number dominate the restaurant
link. The only exception to this observation that every link in the chain
is dominated by a handful of companies is the farmer link – there, in
Canada alone, we find over two hundred thousand family farm production
units.

The second thing that stands out about the chain is the size of the
players. Farmers get fuel from Exxon, Shell, and similar giants. Farmers
get their fertiliser from multi-billion dollar companies, including a
division of Cargill. They get their tractors and combines from global
companies CNH and Deere. They get their seeds from Monsanto and Bayer.
Downstream are Cargill, ADM, Tyson, Nestlé, Coca-Cola, Wal-Mart, and
MacDonald's. The food production chain is populated by some of the world's
largest corporations. Again, the sole exception is the farm link. Compared
to Cargill, Nestlé, or Wal-Mart, even the largest Canadian farms –
monsters, covering tens of thousands of acres – are one-ten-thousandth the
size of the dominant players. The average Canadian farm is one-millionth
the size.

The first two things you recognise about the chain is that each link is
dominated by a tiny number of firms and that the dominant firms are very
large (in both cases, the sole exception is the farm link). The third
thing you notice is that every link is characterised by massive profits …
again, however, with the sole exception of the farm link.

The year 2004 was one of the three worst in history for Canadian farmers
in terms of the net incomes they were able to earn from the markets –
losses were more than $2 billion. But 2004 was the most profitable year to
date for the agribusiness corporations that make up the rest of the
agri-food chain. The vast majority of the firms posted record or
near-record profits (see The Farm Crisis and Corporate Profits). When we
look at the agri-food chain, we see record losses for family farmers at
the same time as record profits for the transnationals that dominate the
rest of the chain. Another way to characterise this data is this:
profitability correlates directly with large size and low competition. At
the link where many small firms compete vigorously – the farm link –
profits are small, or non-existent. But where a tiny number of huge firms
dominate – where competition is, thus, more restrained – profits are
extremely large.

Canadian family farmers are going broke even as they form the central link
in an agri-food chain awash in billions in profits. If the profits within
that chain were distributed properly, if the market power of huge
transnationals didn't allow them to snatch away profit dollars that
formerly stayed on our family farms, there would be no farm income crisis.
Profit distribution mirrors power – the powerful players in the chain reap
profits and the less-powerful do not. Farmers are making too little
because others are taking too much.

But corporate power is only half the story. The other half is a set of
government policies, now globally proliferated, that have thrust family
farmers into the arms of these corporations. These policies include "free
trade", deregulation, export-maximisation, overdependence on purchased
technology, production maximisation and the attendant input- and energy-
and cost-maximisation, and so on. Governments are not passive: they
aggressively drive the process of corporate empowerment and farmer
disempowerment when they advance Structural Adjustment Programmes, global
"free trade" deals such as the World Trade Organisation Agreement on
Agriculture, and when governments restructure global commerce to benefit
transnational entities at the expense of the local.

The corporate drive for power, profit, and expansion has been supercharged
by governments' over-aggressive measures to remove all obstacles to those
corporations. Not surprisingly, corporate wealth extraction – mostly from
rural areas and from smaller producers – has accelerated. What we call the
"farm crisis" is simply the predictable outcome of corporate instincts and
government policies that combine to bleed farm and rural wealth.

Q. Farmers in the South often complain about facing unfair competition
from the North. For example, small farmers in Mexico say they are being
ruined by cheap corn/maize dumped by US farmers. So isn't this the case?

Our corporate and government leaders are eager to marginalise analyses
like the preceding. So, these leaders foster a discourse of distraction
that seeks to pit one set of farmers against another. Canadian farmers
have long heard, and many believed, that the cause of our farm income
crisis was subsidies in the EU – "those farmers are getting rich on
subsidies and it's hurting us." US farmers were similarly encouraged to
look to the EU countryside, and not to the Monsanto balance sheet, to find
the source of their hard times. Similarly, farmers in Mexico are
encouraged to see US farmers and their government as the problem. But are
US taxpayers (who fund the subsidies) or farmers (who receive them) the
real winners in the global food game? Cui bono? Who benefits?

Sure, millions of tonnes of cheap food sloshing around the world is the
immediate cause of a lot of economic pain and dislocation for farmers –
cheap corn and tortillas pouring into Mexico cause economic hardship. But
behind that cause is a more important, underlying cause. A loss by a
Mexican farmer is not a gain for the US farmer – that farmer requires tens
of thousands of dollars in subsidies simply to continue. No, the losses of
Mexican and American farmers collectively are the gains of the
transnational agribusiness giants who have positioned themselves (with
governments as their willing accomplices) to be the primary beneficiaries
of the global food production system.

Q. What is your position on GMOs? Aren't a lot of farmers growing GMOs in
areas where the NFU is active?

Genetically modified (GM) seeds are a key part of the maximum-production,
max-technology, max-input, max-energy-use, max-cost system outlined above.
Canadian net farm income over the past 20 years has been falling. Today,
it stands at its lowest level ever. Were it not for massive
taxpayer-funded support programmes, off-farm income, access to credit,
etc., farming in Canada would have to cease. The transnationals that
dominate the rest of the chain – energy, chemicals, seeds, processing,
retailing – have managed to set themselves up to reap 110 per cent of the
profits that would normally remain on our farms. Let me explain it this
way. The price of wheat is now about $5. Let's say the cost of production
is $7. If the selling price were to rise to $7, the input suppliers would
use their market power to increase input prices to capture all the profit
from that $7 wheat. Thus, the cost of production would rise to $8 or $9.
If the world price rose to those levels, we'd see another round of input
price increases. This is not true for all price levels – Monsanto et al.
could not raise input prices high enough to capture all the profits from,
say, $20 wheat. But the situation holds for nearly every price level we
can reasonably expect. There is a structural aspect to the current system
wherein it becomes nearly impossible for farmers to meet costs of
production because companies can use market power to ensure that costs
rise with prices. So, as technology use has gone up, profitability has
gone down.

The preceding paragraph seems at odds with the reality that many, many
farmers are adopting GM seeds. Let's look at that. First, the data clearly
shows that GM seeds do not increase yields or profitability (see, for
instance, GM Crops: Not Needed on the Island). If there is any correlation
between farmers' expenditures on high-tech seeds and profitability (net
farm income), it is an inverse one – over the past 20 years, as farmers'
seed purchases have tripled their incomes have crashed. GM seeds do not
increase profitability. They do not increase yield. They do not decrease
costs.

So why do farmers use them? GM seeds allow you to farm massive acreage.
Direct seeding and rapid application of weed-control chemicals allows
farmers to cover thousands of acres where previously they could only cover
hundreds. So one of the primary effects of GM seeds and the type of
farming they facilitate is to reduce dramatically the number of farmers.
And farmers have to increase their acreage to survive. As input suppliers
raise the price of their products such that per-acre profits drop from
$100 to $50 to $5, these same companies, conveniently, provide the
technology to allow individual farmers to farm 10 or 20 times the acreage.
Per-acre profit drops. Per-farmer profit can be maintained only by farming
many more acres. And even then, profitability is elusive, witness the
massive subsidies, rising debt, and the growing necessity of off-farm
income, mentioned above.

Q. It is clear to us in GRAIN that industrial farming causes a lot of
problems – it destroys biodiversity, ravages rural communities,
contributes to greenhouse gases, depletes soil, and so on. What do you
believe will be the future of industrial farming?

Our global food system is unsustainable. In seven of the past eight years,
the world consumed more food than it produced. We are in the fastest
food-supply drawdown in a generation. Most global fisheries have collapsed
or will do so in the next 30 years. The primary feedstock for our
fertility, natural gas, has peaked in production in North America and it
will peak worldwide in about a generation. We are adding the equivalent of
a North American population to the world every six years, on a static
cropland base. We are trying to proliferate throughout the world our
meat-based diet, one that inefficiently turns pounds of plant protein into
ounces of meat protein. And we're intent on diverting ever-larger portions
of our food supply into fuelling our cars. If you trace current trends
into the future, you quickly see that that future, the one seen by
agribusiness and our elected leaders, is impossible.

Solutions? Solutions to all the problems described above are close at
hand. They are mutually reinforcing, and, to a significant extent, they
are the same solutions. Solving problems for Mexican corn producers,
problems of greenhouse gas emissions from food production, and the farm
income crisis, all those problems have a set of solutions that share a
common pivot.

We need to re-imagine our food supply, not as source of profit, but as a
source of nutrition and sustenance. We have to re-link it to place, to
water and soil and kitchen table and to traditional knowledge. These
concepts may sound alien, fuzzy-headed to Nestle Board members or World
Bankers, but such concepts are the root and ground of sustainability. The
starting point is to see limits as a form of wisdom and to end the
headlong race for increased production. The starting point is to
re-localise production, to reconnect circular loops of fertility,
knowledge, seeds, labour, and community that have been severed by our
max-production, max-input, max-cost, max-profit system. We need to
remember that food production is biology, not just economics. And while
economics can bend biology for a while, examples such as the cod stock
collapse show that biology eventually trumps.

Solutions are already visible, bursting out like plants through cracks.
Farm families across Canada are marketing locally, reducing and optimising
energy and input use, producing organically, marketing into
"non-conventional" channels, and pursuing sustainability. On the other
side, non-farming Canadians are shopping at farmers' markets, seeking out
local flavours and local suppliers, eating "in season", thinking about
food miles, looking into a 100-mile diet, and asking questions about how
and where their families' food was produced. Citizens are pushing ahead,
but politicians are lagging behind. Our political leaders are spending too
much time listening to supermarket, food processor, and agribusiness
lobbyists.

The solutions to problems of farmer profitability and food-system
sustainability are, like most solutions, part personal and part political.
We need changes in our parliaments, in our boardrooms, and at our tables.
Farmers and non-farmers need to set up mutually reinforcing systems of
supply and demand – creating both push and pull for good food. And we need
to work collectively, politically, and publicly to dethrone a too cosy
cabal of agribiz-ni-crats in Ottawa, Washington, Chicago, Brussels, and
elsewhere.

Food is the most intimate of commodities. It enters into us and becomes
us. Its production, preparation, and enjoyment define large parts of our
civilisation and society, and our family homes. It is at the same time
both the largest and the smallest parts of our lives.

Food is central to our economy. Its production affects our environment.
Food is root and core. If we get our food policies wrong, it is very, very
hard to get the rest of our policies right. And we have got those food
policies badly, badly wrong. It is time for humility, to cease striving to
"feed the world," to cease claiming we have "the most efficient food
production system in the world." It is time to stop thinking we can
re-engineer life. It is time to begin relearning, from land and water,
from traditional producers, from farm families. It is time to restore some
balance.



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