http://www.thetruthseeker.co.uk/print.asp?ID=11539

How a Torture Protest Killed a Career
Craig Murray – Consortium News October 24, 2009


I’ve never, ever spoken in public about the pain of being a
whistleblower. Partly because of the British stiff-upper lip thing and
partly as well because if you wish to try eventually to get on and
reestablish yourself then it doesn’t do to show weakness. …




I was sitting in this place on my own and feeling rather lonely.
And there were a whole bunch of people in dark suits coming from
government offices, in many cases in groups, and there they were with
the men’s suits sleek and the ladies, the whole office, power-politics
thing going on, having after-dinner champagne in the posh bar.




And I was remembering how many times I’d been the center of such
groups and of how successful my life used to be. I was a British
ambassador at the age of 42. The average age for such a post is 57.




I was successful in worldly terms. And I think I almost never sat
alone at such a place. Normally if I had been alone in such a place, I
would have ended up probably in the company of a beautiful young lady
of some kind.




I tell you that partly because this whole question of personal
morality is a complicated one. I would never, ever, no one would have
ever pointed at me as someone likely to become or to be a person of
conscience. And yet eventually I found myself on the outside and
treated in a way that challenged my whole view of the world.





Mission to Tashkent

Let me start to tell you something about how that happened. I was a
British ambassador in Uzbekistan and I was told before I went that
Uzbekistan was an important ally in the war on terror, had given the
United States a very important airbase which was a forward mounting
post for Afghanistan, and was a bulwark against Islamic extremism in
Central Asia. 




When I got there I found it was a dreadful regime, absolutely
totalitarian. And there’s a difference between dictatorship of which
there are many and a totalitarian dictatorship which unless you’ve
actually been in one is hard to comprehend. 




There’s absolutely no free media whatsoever. News on every single
channel, the news programs start with 12 items about what the president
did today. And that’s it. That is the news. There are no other news
channels and international news channels are blocked. 




There are about 12,000 political prisoners. Any sign of religious
enthusiasm for any religion will get you put into jail. The majority of
people are predominantly Muslim. But if you are to carry out the
rituals of the Muslim religion, particularly if you were to pray five
times a day, you’d be in jail very quickly. Young men are put in jail
for growing beards. 




It’s not the only religion which is outlawed. The jails are actually
quite full of Baptists. Being Baptist is illegal in Uzbekistan. I’m
sure that Methodists and Quakers would be illegal, too, It’s just that
they haven’t got any so they haven’t gotten around to making them
illegal. 




And it’s really not a joke. If you are put into prison in Uzbekistan
the chances of coming out again alive are less than even. And most of
the prisons are still the old Soviet gulags in the most literal sense.
They are physically the same places. The biggest one being the Jaslyk
gulag in the deserts of the Kizyl Kum.




I had only been there for a week or two when I went to a show trial
of an al-Qaeda terrorist they had caught. It was a big event put on
partly for the benefit of the American embassy to demonstrate the
strength of the U.S.-Uzbek alliance against terrorism. 




When I got there, to call the trial unconvincing would be an
underestimate. There was one moment when this old man [who] had given
evidence that his nephew was a member of al-Qaeda and had personally
met Osama bin Laden. And like everybody else in that court he was
absolutely terrified. 




But suddenly as he was giving his evidence, he seemed from somewhere to
find an inner strength. He was a very old man but he stood taller and
said in a stronger voice, he said, “This is not true. This is not true.
They tortured my children in front of me until I signed this. I had
never heard of al-Qaeda or Osama bin Laden.” 




He was then hustled out of the court and we never did find out what had
happened to him. He was almost certainly killed. But as it happens I
was within touching distance of him when he said that and I can’t
explain it. It’s not entirely rational. But you could just feel it was
true. You could tell he was speaking the truth when he said that.




And that made me start to call into doubt the whole question of the
narrative about al-Qaeda in Uzbekistan and the alliance in the war on
terror.





Boiled to Death 

Something which took that doubt over the top happened about a week
later. The West -- because Uzbekistan was our great ally in the war on
terror – had shown no interest in the human rights situation at all. In
fact, the opposite, going out of its way to support the dictatorship. 




So the fact that I seemed to be interested and seemed to be sympathetic
came as something of a shock and people [in Uzbekistan] started to come
to me. 




One of the people who came to me was an old lady, a widow in her 60s
whose son had been killed in Jaslyk prison and she brought me photos of
the corpse of her son. It had been given back to her in a sealed casket
and she’d been ordered not to open the casket but to bury it the next
morning, which actually Muslims would do anyway. They always bury a
body immediately. 




But she disobeyed the instructions not to open the casket. She was a
very old lady but very determined. She got the casket open and the body
out onto the table and took detailed photos of the body before
resealing the casket and burying it. These photos she now brought to
me. 




I sent them on to the chief pathologist at the University of Glasgow,
who actually now by coincidence is the chief pathologist for the United
Kingdom. There were a number of photos and he did a detailed report on
the body. He said from the photographs the man’s fingernails had been
pulled out while he was still alive. Then he had been boiled alive.
That was the cause of death, immersion in boiling liquid. 




Certainly it wasn’t the only occasion when we came across evidence of
people being boiled alive. That was the most extreme form of torture, I
suppose, but immersion in boiling liquid of a limb was quite common. 




Mutilation of the genitals was common. Suffocation was common, usually
by putting a gas mask on people and blocking the air vents until they
suffocated. Rape was common, rape with objects, rape with bottles, anal
rape, homosexual rape, heterosexual rape, and mutilation of children in
front of their parents.




It began with that and became a kind of personal mission for me, I
suppose, to do what I could to try to stop this. I spent a great deal
of time with my staff gathering evidence on it.




Being a very capricious government, occasionally a victim [of the
Uzbek regime] would be released and we’d be able to see them and get
medical evidence. More often you’d get letters smuggled out of the
gulags and detention centers, evidence from relatives who managed to
visit prisoners. 




We built up an overwhelming dossier of evidence, and I complained to
London about the conduct of our ally in rather strong terms including
the photos of the boy being boiled alive.





‘Over-Focused on Human Rights’ 

I received a reply from the British Foreign Office. It said, this
is a direct quote, “Dear Ambassador, we are concerned that you are
perhaps over-focused on human rights to the detriment of commercial
interests.”




I was taken aback. I found that extraordinary. But things had
gotten much worse because while we were gathering the information about
torture, we were also learning what people were forced to confess to
under torture. 




People aren’t tortured for no reason. They’re tortured in order to
extract some information or to get them to admit to things, and
normally the reason you torture people is to get them to admit to
things that aren’t actually true. They were having to confess to
membership in al-Qaeda, to being at training camps in Afghanistan,
personally meeting Osama bin Laden. 




At the same time, we were receiving CIA intelligence. MI-6 and the CIA
share all their intelligence. So I was getting all the CIA intelligence
on Uzbekistan and it was saying that detainees had confessed to
membership in al-Qaeda and being in training camps in Afghanistan and
to meeting Osama bin Laden.





One way and another I was piecing together the fact that the CIA material came 
from the Uzbek torture sessions.




I didn’t want to make a fool of myself so I sent my deputy, a lady
called Karen Moran, to see the CIA head of station and say to him, “My
ambassador is worried your intelligence might be coming from torture.
Is there anything he’s missing?” 




She reported back to me that the CIA head of station said, “Yes, it
probably is coming from torture, but we don’t see that as a problem in
the context of the war on terror.” 




In addition to which I learned that CIA were actually flying people to
Uzbekistan in order to be tortured. I should be quite clear that I knew
for certain and reported back to London that people were being handed
over by the CIA to the Uzbek intelligence services and were being
subjected to the most horrible tortures.




I didn’t realize that they weren’t Uzbek. I presumed simply that
these were Uzbek people who had been captured elsewhere and were being
sent in. 




I now know from things I’ve learned subsequently, including the facts
that the Council of Europe parliamentary inquiry into extraordinary
rendition found that 90 percent of all the flights that called at the
secret prison in Poland run by the CIA as a torture center for
extraordinary rendition, 90 percent of those flights next went straight
on to Tashkent [the capital of Uzbekistan].




There was an overwhelming body of evidence that actually people
from all over the world were being taken by the CIA to Uzbekistan
specifically in order to be tortured. I didn’t know that. I thought it
was only Uzbeks, but nonetheless, I was complaining internally as hard
as I could. 




Retaliation


The result of which was that even when I was only complaining
internally, I was subjected to the most dreadful pattern of things
which I still find it hard to believe happened. 




I was suddenly accused of issuing visas in return for sex, stealing
money from the post account, of being an alcoholic, of driving an
embassy vehicle down a flight of stairs, which is extraordinary because
I can’t drive. I’ve never driven in my life. I don’t have a driving
license. My eyesight is terrible. … 




But I was accused of all these unbelievable accusations, which were
leaked to the tabloid media, and I spent a whole year of tabloid
stories about sex-mad ambassador, blah-blah-blah. And I hadn’t even
gone public. What I had done was write a couple of memos saying that
this collusion with torture is illegal under a number of international
conventions including the UN Convention Against Torture. 




I couldn’t believe [what was happening], I’d been a very successful
foreign service officer for over 20 years. The British Foreign Service
is small. Actual diplomats, as opposed to [support] staff, are only
about 2,000 people, I worked there for over 20 years. I knew most of
them by name. All the people involved in smearing me, trying to taint
me on false charges, were people I thought were my friends. It’s really
hard when people you think are your friends [lie about you].




I’m writing memos saying it’s illegal to torture people, children
are being tortured in front of their parents. And they’re writing memos
back saying it depends on the definition of complicity under Article
Four of the UN Convention.




I’m thinking what’s happening to their moral sense, and I never,
ever considered myself a good person, at all. Yet I couldn’t see where
they were coming from and I still don’t; I still don’t understand it to
this day. 




And then these people – and I’m absolutely certain quite knowingly –
tried to negate what they saw as these unpatriotic things. I was told I
was viewed now as unpatriotic, by trying to land me with false
allegations. 




I went through a five-month fight and formal charges. I was found
eventually not guilty on all charges, but my reputation was ruined
forever because the tabloid media all carried the allegations against
me in 25-point headlines and the fact I was acquitted in two sentences
on page 19. It’s extraordinary.





Lessons Learned 

The thing that came out of it most strongly for me is how in a
bureaucratic structure, if the government can convince people that
there is a serious threat to the nation, ordinary people who are not
bad people will go along with things that they know are bad, like
torture, like trying to stain an innocent man. 




And it’s circular, because the extraordinary thing about it was that
the whole point of the intelligence being obtained under torture was to
actually exaggerate the terrorist threats and to exaggerate the
strength of al-Qaeda.




That was the whole point of why people were being tortured, to
confess that they were members of al-Qaeda when they weren’t members of
al-Qaeda and to denounce long lists of names of people as members of
al-Qaeda who weren’t members of al-Qaeda. 




I always tell my favorite example which is they gave me a long list of
names of people whom people were forced to denounce and I often saw
names of people I knew. 




One day, I got this list from the CIA of names of a couple dozen
al-Qaeda members and I knew one really quite well, an old dissident
professor, a very distinguished man who was actually a Jehovah’s
Witness, and there aren’t many Jehovah’s Witnesses in al-Qaeda. I’d
even bet that al-Qaeda don’t even try to recruit Jehovah’s Witnesses.
I’m quite sure that Jehovah’s Witnesses would try to recruit al-Qaeda. 




So much of this intelligence was nonsense. It was untrue and it was
designed to paint a false picture. The purpose of the false picture was
to make people feel afraid. What was it really about. … 




I want to mention this book, which is the greatest book that I’ve ever written. 
It’s called Murder in Samarkand and recounts in detail what I have just told 
you together with the documentary evidence behind it. 





But the most interesting bit of the entire book comes before the page
numbers start, which is a facsimile of a letter from Enron, from
Kenneth Lay, chairman of Enron, to the honorable George W. Bush,
governor of the state of Texas. It was written on April 3, 1997,
sometime before Bush became president. 




It reads, I’ll just read you two or three sentences, “Dear George, you
will be meeting with Ambassador Sadyq Safaev, Uzbekistan’s Ambassador
to the United States on April 8th. … Enron has established an office in
Tashkent and we are negotiating a $2 billion joint venture with
Neftegas of Uzbekistan … to develop Uzbekistan’s natural gas and
transport it to markets in Europe … This project can bring significant
economic opportunities to Texas.”





Not everyone in Texas, of course. George Bush and Ken Lay, in particular.




That’s actually what it was about. All this stuff about al-Qaeda
that they were inventing, extreme Islamists in Central Asia that they
were inventing. 




I have hundreds and hundreds of Uzbek friends now. Every single one of
them drinks vodka. It is not a good place for al-Qaeda. They were
inventing the threat in order to cover up the fact that their real
motive was Enron’s gas contract and that was the plain and honest truth
of the matter. 




Just as almost everything you see about Afghanistan is a cover for the
fact that the actual motive is the pipeline they wish to build over
Afghanistan to bring out Uzbek and Turkmen natural gas which together
is valued at up to $10 trillion, which they want to bring over
Afghanistan and down to the Arabian Sea to make it available for
export.




And we are living in a world where people, a small number of
people, with incredible political clout and huge amounts of money, are
prepared to see millions die for their personal economic gain and
where, even worse, most people in bureaucracies are prepared to go
along with it for their own much smaller economic gain, all within this
psychological mirage which is so much of the war on terror. 




It’s hard to stand against it. I do think things are a little more sane
now than they were a year or two ago. I do think there’s a greater
understanding, but you’ll never hear what I just told you in the
mainstream media. It’s impossible to get it there. 

Source: http://www.consortiumnews.com/2009/102409b.html



Last updated 26/10/2009
        

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