http://search.japantimes.co.jp/mail/fl20110703rp.html

Sunday, July 3, 2011

COUNTERPOINT

Murakami puts a bomb under his compatriots' atomic complacency

By ROGER PULVERS

Special to The Japan Times

"The Japanese will someday outgrow their nuclear allergy." I've never 
forgotten futurologist and Cold War military strategist Herman Kahn 
saying this to me on his visit to Japan in 1969, when I was his guide 
and occasional interpreter.

The American author of the best-sellers "On Thermonuclear War" (1960) 
and "Thinking about the Unthinkable" (1962), Kahn believed that 
nuclear war was both probable and winnable.

He told me that "tolerable" levels of victims would be in the 
"ballpark" of the tens of millions.

In fact, Kahn - one of the prototypes that Stanley Kubrick used to 
create the crazed character Dr. Strangelove (played by Peter Sellers) 
in his 1964 antiwar film, "Dr. Strangelove or: How I Learned to Stop 
Worrying and Love the Bomb" - was urged on during that visit, and 
subsequently, by elements in the government here who would have liked 
nothing more than to see Japan armed with nuclear weapons.

At the time, two things struck me about Kahn's pithy comment 
concerning a Japan with atomic weapons: the words "allergy" and 
"outgrow."

By labeling Japan's staunch stance against possessing such weapons or 
even allowing them to enter its territorial waters as an "allergy," 
the inference was that, with some testing and remedial care, this 
condition could be cured. By using the word "outgrow," Kahn was 
explicitly calling Japanese convictions "immature."

However, Japan's government, virtually synonymous in those days with 
the Liberal Democratic Party (which held nearly unbroken power until 
2009), had forged ahead with the nuclearization of the power industry 
in the decades of growth after the war without any national debate on 
the multifarious issues of safety related to it.

This railroading through of lax laws and permissive regulations 
indicated that the sleepers had been laid; and all that was then 
needed was to lay the tracks toward nuclear weaponry - and Japan 
would have come of age.

I was reminded of this history by Haruki Murakami's brilliant speech 
on June 9 in Barcelona, Spain, delivered in acceptance of the 
International Catalunya Prize. In January 2009, in his acceptance 
speech for the Jerusalem Prize in Israel, the author had used his 
podium time to deliver a keenly aimed attack on the Israeli 
occupation of Palestine. In Barcelona, by turning his sights to 
"peaceful uses of atoms," he again gave voice to the Japanese 
conscience of our era.

"This massive earthquake (on March 11) delivered a severe shock to 
practically all Japanese," he told his audience in Barcelona. "We 
think of ourselves as generally being used to earthquakes, but this 
one has thrown us for a loop. We feel helpless and even insecure 
about the future of the country. ... What brought about this 
disastrous situation?

"The cause is quite apparent. The people who built the nuclear power 
stations had not accounted for a tsunami of such magnitude, ... the 
reason being that a profit-making organization does not welcome the 
investment of the immense amount of money required (to deal with) a 
huge tsunami that might or might not come once a century."

Murakami spoke of the depth and breadth of trauma caused by the Great 
Eastern Japan Earthquake and the loss of life and damage to landscape 
and property caused by the tsunami and the nuclear accident that 
followed. He went on to criticize the government for having failed to 
strictly monitor the nuclear industry for safety. "We must get angry 
over this," he added. "It's only natural that we do."

But it was when he turned to Japan's earlier experience with nuclear 
disaster - the U.S. attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki with atom bombs 
in August 1945 - that Murakami's speech took a radical turn.

"What I want to point out here," he said, "is that not only did 
200,000 people die in those bombings and immediately afterward, but 
many others were forced to die as time went on after suffering from 
the effects of radiation. We were able to learn of just how profound 
the legacy of radiation is to human life and the world because of the 
sacrifice of those people."

Murakami went on to link the radiation released in Hiroshima and 
Nagasaki with that released in Fukushima.

"Sixty-six years after the dropping of the atom bombs, the Fukushima 
Daiichi nuclear power plant has been spreading radiation and 
continually contaminating the surrounding land, sea and air for three 
months now. When and how this radioactive contamination will be 
arrested, no one knows.

"This is the second massive nuclear damage that we Japanese have 
experienced in our history; but this time it comes not as the result 
of having been bombed by someone else. We Japanese ourselves set the 
stage for this, we committed this offence by our own hand, we 
ourselves damaged our domain, we ourselves have destroyed our lives."

Eloquent and spoken from the heart without artifice, Murakami came 
down hard not only on Tepco (Tokyo Electric Power Co., operator of 
the nuclear power plant) and on the governments that gave them a 
virtually unfettered hand in nuclear power development, but also on 
the entire populace of Japan who, over decades, allowed this 
situation to fester in their name.

Murakami's use of the word kakuno (nuclear) in reference to the power 
plant is telling. As a strict rule, Japan's nuclear power industry 
has avoided this word, preferring genshiryoku, meaning "atomic 
power." Kakuno in Japanese brings to mind the very same power that 
fueled the bombs; and the power industry has painstakingly steered 
clear of any such association, knowing that the Japanese people's 
conviction to refuse either the possession or introduction of nuclear 
weapons in their country is steadfast.

Murakami, armed with such steadfastness, has now linked atoms for war 
with so-called atoms for peace. "We Japanese should have continued to 
shout 'No' to things nuclear," he said with vehemence.

His speech was given major coverage in the national media, including 
in prime-time reports on television and radio. It is no accident that 
he chose to make this provocative speech on a foreign platform, as he 
did with his speech critical of Israeli policies in the Middle East. 
This helps silence the opposition in Japan to these propositions, 
especially when they are delivered at such prestigious forums.

In addition, by speaking from abroad, Murakami equates Japan's 
problems with those of countries around the world. Chancellor Angela 
Merkel of Germany was able to announce her momentous decision to shut 
down all of her country's nuclear power plants within the coming 
decade, while Japan's seized-up government seems perpetually 
ensconced in a sarcophagus dropped over their heads by a 
profit-at-any-cost industry, an uncreative and captive bureaucracy 
and an apathetic, meek citizenry fed on a broadly apathetic and meek 
media diet.

How many more prime ministers must come and go before someone comes 
along and cuts the Gordian knot, freeing the Japanese from their own 
sour timidity?

I do agree with Herman Kahn on one thing: It is certainly high time 
that the Japanese people outgrew their allergy, though I refer to the 
pervasive condition of "don't ask, don't tell and don't do." It's 
this allergy that has prevented them taking their lives into their 
own hands as engaged citizens and accepting responsibility for the 
future of their country.

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