The Unmentionable Source of Terrorism



by John Pilger



The current threat of attacks in countries whose governments have close 
alliances with Washington is the latest stage in a long struggle against the 
empires of the west, their rapacious crusades and domination. The motivation of 
those who plant bombs in railway carriages derives directly from this truth. 
What is different today is that the weak have learned how to attack the strong, 
and the western crusaders' most recent colonial terrorism exposes "us" to 
retaliation.
The source of much of this danger is Israel. A creation, then guardian of the 
west's empire in the Middle East, the Zionist state remains the cause of more 
regional grievance and sheer terror than all the Muslim states combined. Read 
the melancholy Palestinian Monitor on the Internet; it chronicles the 
equivalent of Madrid's horror week after week, month after month, in occupied 
Palestine. No front pages in the West acknowledge this enduring bloodbath, let 
alone mourn its victims. Moreover, the Israeli army, a terrorist organisation 
by any reasonable measure, is protected and rewarded in the west.
In its current human rights report, the Foreign Office criticises Israel for 
its "worrying disregard for human rights" and "the impact that the continuing 
Israeli occupation and the associated military occupations have had on the 
lives of ordinary Palestinians. "
Yet the Blair government has secretly authorised the sale of vast quantities of 
arms and terror equipment to Israel. These include leg-irons, electric shock 
belts and chemical and biological agents. No matter that Israel has defied more 
United Nations resolutions than any other state since the founding of the world 
body. Last October, the UN General Assembly voted by 144 to four to condemn the 
wall that Israel has cut through the heart of the West Bank, annexing the best 
agricultural land, including the aquifer system that provides most of the 
Palestinians' water. Israel, as usual, ignored the world.
Israel is the guard dog of America's plans for the Middle East. The former CIA 
analysts Kathleen and Bill Christison have described how "two strains of Jewish 
and Christian fundamentalism have dovetailed into an agenda for a vast imperial 
project to restructure the Middle East, all further reinforced by the happy 
coincidence of great oil resources up for grabs and a president and 
vice-president heavily invested in oil."
The "neoconservatives" who run the Bush regime all have close ties with the 
Likud government in Tel Aviv and the Zionist lobby groups in Washington. In 
1997, the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (Jinsa) declared: 
"Jinsa has been working closely with Iraqi National Council leader Dr Ahmad 
Chalabi to promote Saddam Hussein's removal from office..." Chalabi is the 
CIA-backed stooge and convicted embezzler at present organising the next 
"democratic" government in Baghdad.
Until recently, a group of Zionists ran their own intelligence service inside 
the Pentagon. This was known as the Office of Special Plans, and was overseen 
by Douglas Feith, an under-secretary of defence, extreme Zionist and opponent 
of any negotiated peace with the Palestinians. It was the Office of Special 
Plans that supplied Downing Street with much of its scuttlebutt about Iraq's 
weapons of mass destruction; more often than not, the original source was 
Israel.
Israel can also claim responsibility for the law passed by Congress that 
imposes sanctions on Syria and in effect threatens it with the same fate as 
Iraq unless it agrees to the demands of Tel Aviv. Israel is the guiding hand 
behind Bush's bellicose campaign against the "nuclear threat" posed by Iran. 
Today, in occupied Iraq, Israeli special forces are teaching the Americans how 
to "wall in" a hostile population, in the same way that Israel has walled in 
the Palestinians in pursuit of the Zionist dream of an apartheid state. The 
author David Hirst describes the "Israelisation of US foreign policy" as being 
"now operational as well as ideological. "
In understanding Israel's enduring colonial role in the Middle East, it is too 
simple to see the outrages of Ariel Sharon as an aberrant version of a 
democracy that lost its way. The myths that abound in middle-class Jewish homes 
in Britain about Israel's heroic, noble birth have long been reinforced by a 
"liberal" or "left-wing" Zionism as virulent and essentially destructive as the 
Likud strain.
In recent years, the truth has come from Israel's own "new historians," who 
have revealed that the Zionist "idealists" of 1948 had no intention of treating 
justly or even humanely the Palestinians, who instead were systematically and 
often murderously driven from their homes. The most courageous of these 
historians is Ilan Pappe, an Israeli-born professor at Haifa University, who, 
with the publication of each of his ground-breaking books, has been both 
acclaimed and smeared. The latest is A History of Modern Palestine, in which he 
documents the expulsion of Palestinians as an orchestrated crime of ethnic 
cleansing that tore apart Jews and Arabs coexisting peacefully. As for the 
modern "peace process," he describes the Oslo Accords of 1993 as a plan by 
liberal Zionists in the Israeli Labour Party to corral Palestinians in South 
African-style bantustans. That they were aided by a desperate Palestinian 
leadership made the "peace" and its "failure" (blamed
 on the Palestinians) no less counterfeit. During the years of negotiation and 
raised hopes, governments in Tel Aviv secretly doubled the number of illegal 
Jewish settlements on Palestinian land, intensified the military occupation and 
completed the fragmentation of the 22 per cent of historic Palestine that the 
Palestine Liberation Organisation had agreed to accept in return for 
recognising the state of Israel.
Along with the late Edward Said, Ilan Pappe is the most eloquent writer of 
Palestinian history. He is also one of the most scholarly. This combination has 
brought him many admirers, but also enemies among Israel's academic liberal 
mythologists in Britain, one of whom, Stephen Howe, was given the Pappe book to 
review in the New Statesman of 8 March. Howe often appears in these pages; his 
style is to damn with faint praise and to set carefully the limits of debate 
about empire, be it Irish history, the Middle East or the "war on terror." In 
Pappe's case, what the reader doesn't know is Howe's personal link to the 
Israeli establishment; and what Howe does not say in his review is that here 
for the first time is a textbook on Palestine that narrates the real story as 
it happened: a non-Zionist version of Zionism.
He accuses Pappe of "factual mistakes," but gives no evidence, then denigrates 
the book by dismissing it as a footnote to another book by the Israeli 
historian Benny Morris, who has long atoned for his own revisionist work. To 
its credit, Cambridge University Press has published Pappe's pioneering and 
highly accessible work as an authoritative history. This means that the 
"debate" over Israel's origins is ending, regardless of what the empire's 
apologists say.

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