There is a level needed to understand or else will be writing only LKG rhymes ring a ringa roses KR
On Wed, 29 May 2024 at 00:49, gopala krishnan <gopa4...@yahoo.in> wrote: > Mr Rajaram, > > I have read the *forwarded article* fully. *What is the topic? What is > deal with?* So many things non related are told. There is neither head > nor tail. You have titled Pitu Gotra. Subject told has nothing to do with > Gotra. > > > *Only thing I make out is about sacred thread. * > > The ritual cord (upavīta) may be a reason for distrust. Patrick Olivelle has > pointed out in a recent article (2012) that the sacred thread makes its > appearance very late in Brahmanical literature. It is not yet known to the > Grhyasutras > and the relatively early Apastamba and Gautama Dharma sutras, and is > mentioned for the first time in the Baudhāyana and Vasiṣṭha Dharmasūtras, > around the beginning of the Common Era. > > > *You mean to say that Brahmins did not wore sacred thread earlier than > Baudhayana and Vasistha Dharmasutra period? What do you mean by the above ? > * > > Gopalakrishnan > > On Wednesday, 29 May, 2024 at 08:48:26 am IST, Rajaram Krishnamurthy < > keyarinc...@gmail.com> wrote: > > > PITU GOTRA CONTD 28524 29524 K RAJARAM IRS > > The outcome of this Brahmanical transformation was quite extraordinary. A > thousand years after the establishment of the Maurya Empire (presumably a > catastrophe for the Brahmins), Brahmanical socio-political ideology > predominated in an immense geographical area, reaching from Vietnam and > Indonesia at one end to the western frontiers of the Indian subcontinent > and Afghanistan at the other. This dominating presence found expression in > various ways, including the use of Sanskrit, the sacred language of > Brahmanism, in political inscriptions, in courtly literature, and even in > an important part of the literature of Buddhism and Jainism. The American > researcher Sheldon Pollock (1996; 2006) has coined the term ‘Sanskrit > cosmopolis’ to designate this phenomenon. In order to understand the > incredible success of the Brahmanical vision of society and politics, it is > important to recall that it was not the outcome of political conquest or > colonization. Brahmanism spread by other means than the force of > arms—initially in the Indian subcontinent, then also into Southeast Asia. The > spread of Brahmanism is also not a mere matter of religious conversion. > As noted above, Brahmanism should not exclusively or even primarily be > thought of as a religion, but as a socio-political ideology with a > variable religious dimension. Rulers who adopted it, did not necessarily > convert > > from one religion to another, and Brahmanism had no missionaries in the > religious sense of the term. (Sheldon pollack) > > There are the well-known Kushanas dynasty coins with > (Gandhara-Afghanistan language) Oešo/Śiva standing near the bull and > bearing trident and lazo,[ “OHÞO is the only Brahmanic god occurring on > Kaniṣka’s coinage as frequently as Iranian deities.” (Lo Muzio 1996: 163). > 17: Oešo was particularly popular with Vima Kadphises, who declares himself > a devotee of Sarvalokeśvara, and with Vāsudeva I, as appears from Göbl > (1984: 72–74; as well as early Śiva icons. We should also carefully > consider the reason why in the Mahabharata Śiva is called ‘the God from > Gandhāra’. An early schist image of Mahiṣamardinī comes from the site of > Muhammad Zai near Peshawar, and Saivite penetration goes as far as Surkh > Kotal in Bactria/Tokhāristān. The relative invisibility of Bhāgavatas > and Pāśupatas in early Gandhāra depends on their taking root in rural > areas (especially the groups of Pāśupatas) and on the fact that the > trading class—an object of scorn for the authors of the early Kali Age > literature—did not find representation among them. > > Questions remain. What do we make of the Brahmins depicted in > Gandharan sculpture? After the entry of Yavanas of the Greek changes > occurred in these territories. The displacements from Gandara towards > Kashmir started . Presumably there are plenty of them. “Hermits and > ascetics, whether young or old, are always represented as typical Indian > Brahmins wearing the Indian dress or dhoti and shawl, while their hair is > arranged in a jaṭā-makuṭa or top-knot. They often carry a waterpot and > occasionally even their upavīta or ritual cord is indicated.” Elsewhere in > the same article she states (p. 33): “We can . . . draw some conclusions > from the frescoes discovered in Central Asia and Afghanistan which have > been preserved due to the dry climate of these areas. First of all there > are the early wall paintings from Miran in which the Indian elements stand > out clearly. In the later frescoes from Bamiyan, Kakrak, and Fondukistan > {dynasties} these are still obvious, especially at the last site. . . . > Mention may here be made only of the shading of the bodies producing > plastic effects, the attitude of the female figures, and such details as > the enormous ear-rings, the striped dresses and the upavīta running over > the lower right arm, a mannerism which can also be found in Indian > sculptures of about the same date.”92{all archaeological excavations at the > British periods) Harrison & Luczanits (2011: P84), similarly, speak of a > ‘Brāhmaṇa > type’ that “certainly derives from the iconography of Maitreya, the > future Buddha, which was already established shortly after the first Buddha > images were made. He is consistently represented with the loosely tied long > hair and a water-pot (Kamandalam) both signs of his last rebirth as a > Brāhmaṇa”. On the same page they mention Maitreya, then add: “or perhaps > we should say, the Brāhmaṇa type”, and: “or the Brāhmaṇa-type > bodhisattva”.93 On p. 85 ( How slowly Buddhism changes the Brahmin cult > being depicted as Buddha as well as a Brahman) they state: “triadic > compositions in Gandhara consistently balance the two bodhisattva types > . . . the Brāhmaṇa and kshatriya-type bodhisattvas . . .” The two types > are contrasted on p. 83, where we learn that the Brāhmaṇa type bodhisattva > has loosely tied-up (but uncovered) hair, whereas a kṣatriya type > bodhisattva wears a turban. One might ask how one can be certain that > Brahmins are depicted in these sculptures. For example, is the textual > knowledge according to which Maitreya will be born as a Brahmin perhaps > projected back so as to allow the conclusion that Maitreya must be depicted > as a typical Brahmin, thus providing us > > with a depiction of a ‘typical Brahmin’ without any direct textual > evidence to support it? But how certain can we be that these sculptures > represent ‘typical Indian Brahmins’? The ritual cord (upavīta) may be a > reason for distrust. Patrick Olivelle has pointed out in a recent > article (2012) that the sacred thread makes its appearance very late in > Brahmanical literature. It is not yet known to the Grhyasutras and the > relatively early Apastamba and Gautama Dharma sutras, and is mentioned > for the first time in the Baudhāyana and Vasiṣṭha Dharmasūtras, around > the beginning of the Common Era. Does it > > make sense to believe that this newly adopted Brahmanical feature found > artistic expression in regions as far removed from the Brahmanical > heartland as Central Asia and Afghanistan? Must we conclude that there > was a Brahmanical presence in those regions merely on the basis of this > presumed sacred thread? (or were there real declining of the Varna Brahmin, > moved the south and Buddhist and Yavana Brahmins being sculpted?) Is it > not possible that others wore a similar thread, and that Brahmins culture > copied their example? Kreisel (1986: 104) draws attention to a sculpture of > Rudra whose sacred thread is a snake. Is it possible that the so-called > Brahmin ascetics are really Saiva ascetics who wear a real or symbolic > snake over one shoulder? {These questions remain unanswered; but > Afghanistan to day from the flying Brahmin place once in 3109 BCE, is > shrouded in the mystery, as to how, history drove out the Brahmin varna for > the displacements towards projected south bit by bit) It appears that Oesho > is sometimes depicted with a sacred thread on Kuṣāṇa coins. What is more, > Gandharan Bodhisattvas, too, can wear a single or multi-stranded amulet > cord that resembles, or is, a sacred thread May be premature and hasty to > draw conclusions from this uncertain evidence. Śiva is also known for his > hair-bun (kaparda), like the so-called Brahmins. Moreover, even > Bodhisattvas have a top hair knot, even though it is, according to Harry > Falk (2012a: 496), hidden in a cloth. Are we sure that ascetics with a > hair-bun have to be Brahmins? Or already they moved down south? Another > point must be considered. The Buddha himself, according to the early > Buddhist scriptures, did frequently meet and discuss with Brahmins. One > consequence of this is that, whether or not there were Brahmins in > Gandhara, (400 BCE) Brahmins would figure in scenes from the life of the > Buddha.101 They do figure in scenes depicted in Central Asia in connection > with the Buddha, as is a Jaina and even an Ājīvika who play roles in > canonical stories. In other words, a certain number of Brahmins is to be > expected in Gandharan art even if there were no Brahmins there. Answering > the question whether this accounts for all the Brahmins in Gandharan art of > the period close to the beginning of the > > Common Era, is, once again, beyond my competence. It is to be kept in > mind, of course, that there had been Brahmins in Gandhāra, so the > assumption that there were still some around the beginning of the Common > Era cannot be totally discarded. It is however good to remember that the > evidence in support of such a presence is debatable. But with or without > a physical presence of Brahmins, Gandhara was no longer the centre of > Brahmanical culture it had once been. Indeed, it had become a region that > Brahmins avoided. AND WHY BRAHMINS STARTED MOVING DOWN IS BEGINNING TO > EXPLAIN. > > Alexander only visited the northwestern parts of the subcontinent, and > never reached the Ganges. He visited these northwestern parts at an early > date, less than a century and perhaps barely more than fifty years after > the death of the Buddha. To the best of our knowledge, the spread of > Buddhism seriously started under the Mauryas, that is, after Alexander. The > same can probably be said about Jainism. It is therefore highly unlikely > that there were Buddhists and Jainas in the regions visited by Alexander. > And yet, Alexander met ascetics, near Taxila. The naked sages he met have > become a topos {(The term "topos" has its roots in Greek. It is derived > from the Greek word "τόπος" (topos), which translates to "place" or > "location" in English. In various contexts, "topos" can refer to different > things: I*n Philosophy and Rhetoric:* In philosophical and rhetorical > discourse, a "topos" refers to a common theme or argumentative strategy. > It's a standard rhetorical device or a "commonplace" used to make an > argument or support a particular point. In literature, particularly in > the study of narrative and storytelling, "topos" refers to a recurring > motif, theme, or convention in literature or storytelling.} in Western > classical literature, so much so that it is probably impossible to derive > much detailed historical information about them from this literature. > However, one thing appears to be beyond reasonable doubt. One of the > Indian ascetics, known by the name of Calanus (Kalanos), accompanied > Alexander’s > army back into Persia. Having fallen ill, he then decided to take his own > life by voluntarily entering into a fire. This event was witnessed by > numerous soldiers from Alexander’s army, and recorded by several Alexander > historians. > > {Kalanos, also known as Kalanos or Calanus, was an ancient Indian > ascetic who gained prominence during the time of Alexander the Great's > invasion of the Indian subcontinent in the 4th century BCE. Here are some > details about Kalanos: Kalanos belonged to the sect of Indian philosophers > known as the Gymnosophists, who were renowned for their ascetic practices > and philosophical wisdom. The Gymnosophists lived a simple and austere > life, often practicing extreme forms of self-discipline and renunciation. > Kalanos is best known for his encounter with Alexander the Great. When > Alexander reached the Indian subcontinent and encountered the > Gymnosophists, including Kalanos, he was impressed by their way of life and > sought to engage them in philosophical discourse. Kalanos, in particular, > made a lasting impression on Alexander due to his wisdom and detachment > from worldly possessions. According to historical accounts, Kalanos chose > to end his life through the practice of self-immolation (setting oneself on > fire) rather than face the physical decline that comes with old age and > illness. This act was seen as a demonstration of his commitment to his > ascetic ideals and his belief in the transience of human life. Kalanos's > act of self-immolation left a lasting impression on Alexander and his > companions, who were deeply moved by the ascetic's resolve and > philosophical conviction. Kalanos's story became legendary and has been > recounted in various historical texts and accounts of Alexander's campaigns > in the East.} Scholars have puzzled about this voluntary suicide, and have > wondered what light it might shed on Calanus’s sectarian affiliation. > Religious > suicide is well known and accepted in Jainism, and there are cases known in > Buddhism. But, as pointed out above, Buddhism and Jainism do not enter > into the picture in the region of Taxila. Some scholars exclude Brahmanism, > too, > arguing that suicide in fire is not part of Brahmanism. They end up > inventing otherwise unknown ascetic groups to explain the riddle. I think > it is worth our while to have a closer look at Brahmanism. After all, > Brahmanism was deeply preoccupied with the Vedic sacrificial fire, whose > victim was often looked upon as a substitute for the sacrificer. > “self-sacrifice is an all-but-ubiquitous theme in the ritual Brāhmaṇa > texts, the victim as well as other offerings being regularly equated with > the sacrificer”.In other words, the sacrificer is or can be the victim in > his own sacrifice, with the proviso that most often he is replaced by a > substitute; he is in any case himself sacrificed in his fire after his > physical death. Clearly there is here, at least in theory, a place for > sacrificers who decide to forego substitutes or who refuse to wait until > they die by natural causes. Sangam cult shows a custom, VADAKIRUNDU UYIR > NEETHAL. Moreover, Hellenistic and Roman westerners had no difficulty > believing that Indians had the custom of incineration themselves; draws > attention to Zarmarus or Zarmanochegas, who was a member of the > Indian embassy to Augustus at the end of the first century BCE > {Zarmanochegas, also known as Zarmanochegas or Zarmanochegas, is a figure > mentioned in ancient Greco-Roman accounts. Here are some details about > Zarmanochegas is described as an Indian gymnosophist or ascetic who lived > during the time of Alexander the Great's conquests in the 4th century BCE. > The term "gymnosophist" (MAY BE AGHORI) refers to a naked philosopher, > likely indicating that Zarmanochegas belonged to a sect of Indian ascetics > known for their renunciation of worldly possessions and simple way of life. > Zarmanochegas is said to have lived in a hermitage or cave, where he > pursued a life of asceticism and contemplation. Like Kalanos, another > Indian ascetic mentioned in historical accounts, Zarmanochegas is said to > have chosen to end his life through self-immolation rather than face the > infirmities of old age.} and committed suicide by fire in Athens, and to > the Greek Cynic philosopher Peregrinus who imitated the Indian custom by > ascending a pyre at Olympia in 167 CE. > > There is, furthermore, a Vedic sacrifice called Śunaskarṇa,{ The > Sunaskarna sacrifice, also known as Sunaskara or Sunahsepa, is a > significant ritual mentioned in Hindu scriptures, particularly in the Rigveda > and some Brahmana texts. It revolves around the story of a young boy named > Sunahsepa and his sacrifice. Here are the key points about the Sunaskarna > sacrifice: The story of Sunahsepa is found in the Aitareya Brahmana and > other Vedic texts. According to the legend, Sunahsepa was the son of a > sage named Ajigarta. Due to circumstances, Ajigarta sold Sunahsepa to a > king named Harishchandra to be sacrificed. Sunahsepa willingly agreed to > be the sacrificial victim to save his family from poverty. Sunahsepa's > sacrifice is a tale of selflessness, devotion, and sacrifice. He > underwent various trials and tribulations but ultimately emerged > victorious, and his life was spared through divine intervention. His > story is often cited as an example of devotion and the triumph of > righteousness over adversity. The Sunaskarna sacrifice has ritual > implications in Hindu tradition. It symbolizes the concept of sacrifice and > the importance of upholding one's dharma (duty) even in the face of > challenges. The story of Sunahsepa is often recounted in the context of > Vedic sacrifices and serves as a moral and spiritual lesson.The Sunaskarna > sacrifice is significant both historically and symbolically. It reflects > ancient Vedic beliefs and practices surrounding sacrifice, devotion, and > ethical conduct. The story of Sunahsepa continues to be revered in Hindu > tradition as a timeless example of courage, selflessness, and divine > grace. in which the sacrificer takes his own life by throwing himself > into the fire.} This, at any rate, is the opinion of Śabara, the author > of the classical commentary (Mīmāṃsābhāṣya) of Mīmāṃsā, the Brahmanical > school of thought {which is translated by Gangadhara Jha} that remained > close to the Vedic scriptures. According to Śabara, the Śunaskarṇa > sacrifice is prescribed by the injunction: “Desiring one’s own death one > should perform this sacrifice, if he wishes that he should reach the > Heavenly Region without any disease” (maraṇakāmo hy etena yajeta, yaḥ > kāmayetānāmayaḥ svargaṃ lokam iyām iti). The crucial part of this > sacrifice—the self-immolation of the sacrificer—is, again according to > Śabara, also prescribed by an injunction: “Then again, there is the text— > ‘When the Ārbhava has begun, the Sacrificer, having covered the Uḍumbara > post (sthambam) with a borderless piece of cloth, says—O Brāhmaṇas, > please complete this Sacrifice for me,—and enters the Fire’ ” (api cedam > āmnāyate, ārbhave prastūyamāna audumbarīṃ parito ‘daśena vāsasā pariveṣṭya > brāhmaṇāḥ parisamāpayata me yajñam iti saṃpreṣyāgniṃ viśatīti).Hence > Brahmin community sacrificed even its life for the welfare of other varnas > as evident from Rigvedam down the lane to Grhya sutras. Gangadhar Jha and > so many British authors had written about it all, where brahmin > dislocations and the sacrifices are witnessed; a small quantum for the > welfare of the 95% of the world population or maybe 99% . 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