---------- Forwarded message ---------
From: N Sekar <[email protected]>
Date: Mon, May 18, 2026, 12:37 PM
Subject: Re: [KeralaIyers] hindu media thoughts
To: <[email protected]>, Chittanandam V R <
[email protected]>, YM <[email protected]>, Dr Sundar <
[email protected]>, Ravi mahajan <[email protected]>, Venkat Giri <
[email protected]>, SRIRAMAJAYAM <[email protected]>, APS Mani <
[email protected]>, Rangarajan T.N.C. <[email protected]>, Srinivasan
Sridharan <[email protected]>, Mathangi K. Kumar <
[email protected]>, Venkat Raman <[email protected]>, Rama <
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Cc: Narayanaswamy Sekar <[email protected]>


Fantastic article.  Every Hindu ( Self respecting Hindu, that is, not the
pseudo seculars) bows in respect and with love. My gratitude cannot be
expressed in words.

Thanks for the fwd.

N Sekar

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On Mon, May 18, 2026 at 10:58 AM, Rajaram Krishnamurthy
<[email protected]> wrote:

*Mount Road Moralism: How The Hindu Lost Touch With India*

A Mylaporean's Satirical Dissection (1997–2026)

May 17, 2026

There are newspapers. There are ideological pamphlets.

And then there is *The Hindu* — a newspaper that has spent three decades
behaving like a disappointed missionary assigned to civilize the natives
whose name it unwillingly carries.

For millions in South India, especially among old Madras families, *The
Hindu* was once a ritual. It arrived with filter coffee, Carnatic music in
the background, and the illusion that journalism meant restraint,
intelligence, and balance.

Households erupted in chaos as to who would get to read the paper first -
the youngest reaching out for the sports columns while the head of the
family wanting to know about the recent political and financial
developments. The octogenarian in the family would be waiting to get a
glimpse of the ‘Obituary’ section to find out if their class mates found a
place there.

Then came the slow ideological possession.

By the late 1990s, the transformation was complete. The paper increasingly
ceased to report India and began instead to editorialize India into
submission. The Hindu majority became a sociological inconvenience. Temple
traditions became “contested spaces.” National integration became
“majoritarianism.” And any Hindu attempt to reclaim civilizational
confidence was treated with the same tone Victorian schoolmasters once
reserved for tribal unrest.

The irony remains exquisite.

A paper called *The Hindu* slowly evolved into perhaps the most reliable
institutional critic of Hindu civilizational assertion in India.

Not criticism of excesses. Not scrutiny of governments. Those are
legitimate.
But a deeper, almost reflexive hostility toward Hindu cultural confidence
itself.

And because the prose came wrapped in old-world English and editorial
gravitas, generations mistook ideological bias for intellectual
sophistication.

This is not a complaint. It is an autopsy - of the manner in which the once
esteemed paper became the dust bin of marxist ideology.

<https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/$s_!TtIl!,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F3fe094f1-1d49-4b19-90be-c8ecfe0cb11e_1024x452.heic>

------------------------------

*The Mount Road Catechism: How The Hindu Sees India*

To understand *The Hindu*, one must understand its operating theology.

Its worldview is built on five sacred commandments:

1.   Hindu assertion is dangerous.

2.   Muslim anxieties are always authentic.

3.   The Indian state must reform Hindu institutions but “respect
sensitivities” elsewhere.

4.   National integration is suspicious unless approved by Delhi salons.

5.   Tradition is beautiful only when dead, museumized, or politically
harmless.

Everything else flows from this.

The editorial pages of *The Hindu* over the last three decades read less
like journalism and more like a long-running therapy session for elite
Nehruvian anxiety.

India changed. The newsroom could not.
------------------------------

*Babri: The Original Sin Was Not Demolition — It Was Hindu Memory*

No event better captures *The Hindu’s* ideological DNA than the Babri issue.

>From the 1990s onward, the framing rarely changed:

   - Hindu mobilization = dangerous mass hysteria
   - Temple claims = political opportunism
   - Muslim claims = constitutional morality
   - Archaeology = inconvenient distraction

The demolition of the structure in 1992 was treated not merely as unlawful
— which it was — but as proof that Hindu political consciousness itself was
inherently barbaric.

What disappeared from the discourse?

Centuries of temple destruction.
Civilizational trauma.
Archaeological evidence.
Continuous Hindu worship traditions.
ASI findings.

To acknowledge these would complicate the narrative. And complication is
fatal to ideological activism masquerading as journalism.

The real discomfort inside elite secular circles was never the demolition
alone.

It was the possibility that Hindus might stop apologizing for existing as a
majority civilization.

The satire writes itself.

Imagine naming your paper *The Hindu* and then reacting to Hindu historical
grievances the way colonial administrators reacted to peasant uprisings.

Had medieval invaders possessed English-language editorial boards, the tone
would probably have sounded remarkably similar:

“Yes, perhaps a temple once existed, but must these natives insist on
remembering it?”
------------------------------

*Ram Mandir Verdict: A Temple Returned, A Newsroom Mourned*

The 2019 Supreme Court verdict on the Ayodhya dispute produced one of the
finest exhibitions of elite discomfort in recent Indian journalism.

The Court examined archaeological evidence, historical possession, legal
claims, and continuous worship traditions. The verdict was unanimous.

Yet the editorial mood in *The Hindu* resembled a drawing room after
unexpected election results.

The judgment was framed as an “unequal compromise.”
“Dominant sentiment” was invoked ominously.
The decision was treated almost as a concession extracted by mass pressure
rather than adjudication rooted in evidence.

One would think Lord Ram had personally stormed the newsroom demanding
favorable coverage.

The core problem was psychological.

If Ayodhya could be acknowledged as a legitimate Hindu civilizational
grievance, then the entire intellectual architecture of post-independence
secularism would require re-evaluation.

And that architecture depends on one permanent assumption:

*Hindus may have emotions, but they must never have historical claims.*
------------------------------

*Article 370: Temporary Provision, Eternal Emotion*

Few editorials demonstrated ideological rigidity more spectacularly than
coverage of Article 370’s abrogation.

A temporary constitutional arrangement had become, in elite discourse, a
sacred relic beyond democratic reconsideration.

The arguments came predictably:

   - federalism endangered
   - democracy undermined
   - constitutional morality threatened
   - Kashmir’s “special identity” assaulted

Curiously absent were discussions on:

   - dynastic capture
   - separatist ecosystems
   - unequal constitutional integration
   - refugee discrimination
   - developmental stagnation

In *The Hindu’s* telling, integration itself became suspect.

The satire here is almost too easy.

India could launch satellites, digitize payments, build expressways, and
unify tax structures — but integrating one state constitutionally into the
Union apparently crossed the line into authoritarian darkness.

One suspects that had Sardar Patel attempted accession integration in
today’s media climate, editorials would have warned against “coercive
cartographic majoritarianism.”
------------------------------

*CAA: Compassion Rebranded as Fascism*

The Citizenship Amendment Act triggered perhaps the most melodramatic phase
of elite secular commentary in recent memory.

The law addressed persecuted minorities from neighboring Islamic states.

But in editorial discourse, it instantly became:

   - anti-Muslim
   - proto-fascist
   - unconstitutional
   - communal engineering

One need not even support every detail of the law to notice the glaring
absurdity:

Recognizing the plight of Hindus, Sikhs, Jains, Buddhists, Parsis, and
Christians fleeing Islamic persecution was treated as morally scandalous.

The logic became breathtaking.

If a Hindu refugee flees Pakistan after forced conversion, acknowledging
his plight risks “majoritarianism.”

Meanwhile, illegal migration altering border-state demographics was often
discussed in sanitized humanitarian abstractions.

The deeper issue was symbolic.

CAA implicitly recognized something elite secularism desperately resists:

India is not merely a geographical arrangement.
It is also a civilizational entity.

And that sentence alone is enough to trigger editorial palpitations across
Lutyens drawing rooms.
------------------------------

*Sabarimala: Reform for Some, Sensitivity for Others*

Nowhere is selective secularism more visible than in temple matters.

When Hindu traditions face judicial or activist scrutiny, editorial
enthusiasm for reform reaches revolutionary levels.

Sabarimala became the perfect example.

Suddenly, ancient customs tied to a specific deity tradition were treated
as backward relics requiring urgent correction by constitutional
sermonizing.

What vanished?

   - denominational rights
   - unique theological frameworks
   - devotee sentiment
   - decentralized Hindu practice traditions

The implication was unmistakable:

Hindu traditions must modernize according to elite approval.

Elsewhere, however, the vocabulary changes instantly:

   - sensitivity
   - dialogue
   - respect for belief systems
   - minority rights

Apparently, only Hindu institutions are robust enough to survive perpetual
“reform.”

Others require careful anthropological handling.

The pattern became impossible to ignore.

In modern Indian secularism, Hinduism is simultaneously:

   - privileged enough to criticize endlessly
   - weak enough to regulate constantly
   - majority enough to suspect permanently

Quite an achievement.
------------------------------

*Farm Laws: Socialism Dies Hard on Mount Road*

When the farm laws were repealed, editorial relief flowed like monsoon
drainage in Chennai.

Reforms aimed at market flexibility were painted almost entirely through
the lens of corporate threat and peasant victimhood.

Missing from much of the commentary:

   - mandi inefficiencies
   - cartelization
   - agricultural stagnation
   - procurement distortions
   - structural reform necessity

The romance of organized protest overshadowed policy substance.

This reflects an older ideological instinct.

Sections of India’s elite intelligentsia remain emotionally attached to
state-controlled inefficiency because inefficiency sustains the moral
importance of intellectuals.

A liberalized, aspirational India is deeply unsettling to socialist
nostalgia.

The satire becomes irresistible.

One could almost imagine editorials mourning the tragic possibility that
farmers might someday negotiate independently without ideological
intermediaries explaining oppression to them.
------------------------------

*NEET, Delimitation, and One Nation One Election: Integration Is Apparently
Fascism*

Certain themes recur endlessly in *The Hindu’s* worldview:

   - standardization is domination
   - national coherence is homogenization
   - centralization is authoritarianism
   - regional vetoes are democratic virtue

Thus:

*NEET*

A common entrance examination became cultural aggression.

*Delimitation*

Population-based representation became punishment.

*One Nation One Election*

Administrative efficiency became constitutional apocalypse.

The underlying fear is obvious:

A genuinely integrated Indian political identity weakens old ideological
silos built on fragmentation.

The irony is delicious.

For decades, India was criticized for inefficiency and policy paralysis.
Attempts to streamline governance now trigger essays warning against
efficiency itself.

One almost admires the creativity.
------------------------------

*Thirupparankundram: Tamil Nadu’s Miniature Secular Laboratory*

If Ayodhya revealed national elite anxieties, Thirupparankundram reveals
Tamil Nadu’s regional version.

At the sacred Murugan hill, disputes surrounding ritual practices and
competing claims were repeatedly framed through the language of
“syncretism” and “communal harmony.”

Translation:

Hindus must compromise gracefully.

Again.

And again.

And again.

Coverage often softened state positions while scrutinizing Hindu assertions
as politically motivated.

The underlying assumption appeared familiar:

When Hindu devotees insist on continuity of traditional practice, suspicion
is warranted.

But why?

Why must Hindu claims constantly pass ideological purity tests before being
considered legitimate?

Why is asserting continuity portrayed as aggression while contesting
continuity is framed as coexistence?

Tamil Nadu’s intellectual ecosystem has perfected a peculiar formula:

   - mock Hindu tradition
   - politically depend on Hindu votes
   - invoke secularism selectively
   - accuse critics of communalism

And *The Hindu*, intentionally or otherwise, often functions as the
English-language cultural amplifier for this ecosystem.
------------------------------

*The Performance of Neutrality*

What makes *The Hindu* influential is not merely ideology.

It is presentation.

The prose is measured.
The fonts are dignified.
The syntax carries colonial-era seriousness.

Which creates an illusion of neutrality even when ideological preferences
are glaringly obvious.

A slogan shouted on television sounds partisan.
The same slogan written in restrained editorial English sounds intellectual.

This is the genius of elite media culture.

Bias delivered calmly becomes sophistication.
------------------------------

*Why This Matters Beyond One Newspaper*

Some may ask:

Why obsess over one publication?

Because institutions shape elite legitimacy.

For decades, *The Hindu* influenced:

   - bureaucrats
   - academics
   - judges
   - diplomats
   - university students
   - policy discourse

Its editorial framing mattered because it helped define what respectable
opinion looked like.

And respectable opinion in India often came with one unwritten rule:

*Hindu civilizational confidence must always remain defensive.*

But India changed.

The internet democratized narratives.
Regional voices bypassed gatekeepers.
Young Indians stopped treating English-language editorials as scripture.

And suddenly, institutions that once shaped opinion found themselves
reacting to it instead.

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------------------------------

*The Real Crisis: India Moved On*

Perhaps the most fascinating aspect of *The Hindu’s* ideological posture is
that it increasingly feels historically stranded.

India today is more:

   - aspirational
   - culturally self-aware
   - digitally decentralized
   - impatient with elite moral lecturing

People no longer automatically confuse pessimism with wisdom.

The old establishment still writes as though India must constantly seek
permission from editorial boards before feeling civilizational pride.

But outside those newsrooms, something changed.

Temple restoration no longer embarrasses people.
Civilizational language no longer sounds fringe.
National integration no longer sounds sinister.
And “secularism” no longer automatically immunizes bad arguments from
scrutiny.

This explains the growing frustration visible in elite commentary.

The audience drifted away.
------------------------------

*A Newspaper at War With Its Own Masthead*

In the end, the greatest satire is existential.

A newspaper named *The Hindu* spent decades reacting to Hindu
civilizational assertion with visible discomfort.

That contradiction alone deserves a Netflix documentary.

Imagine:

   - *The Vegetarian* campaigning against vegetables
   - *The Economist* opposing economics
   - *Sports Illustrated* condemning physical activity

Yet somehow, India normalized this contradiction for years.

Perhaps because old institutions survive long after their intellectual
credibility begins eroding.
------------------------------

*Final Thoughts: The Republic Will Survive Editorial Disapproval*

Critiquing *The Hindu* does not require blind support for governments,
parties, or movements.

Democracies need scrutiny.

But scrutiny without self-awareness becomes ideology.

And ideology wrapped in moral superiority becomes propaganda wearing
spectacles.

The Indian republic is not collapsing because Hindus seek cultural dignity.
Nor because temples are restored.
Nor because integration is debated.
Nor because historical grievances are acknowledged.

If anything, India may finally be entering a phase where its civilizational
majority no longer feels compelled to apologize for existing.

That is what unsettles old establishments.

Not extremism.
Not fascism.
Not constitutional collapse.

Confidence.

And confidence is the one thing elite secularism never learned to tolerate
in Hindus.

XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX

K RAJARAM IRS 18526

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