Hi All - As promised, here is Thomas Joiner's "take" on suicide barriers in his 
latest book (Harvard University Press, 2010), "Myths about Suicide."  Joiner is 
well known suicidologist and one of the most prominent (if not the most 
prominent) in academic psychology, so I assumed (perhaps incorrectly?) that his 
stance on this issue represents the best current consensus in the suicide 
field.  Joiner reviews the evidence re: suicide barriers and related attempts 
to decrease suicide risk on pp. 147-168 of his book, for those TIPSters who 
might have it.  Incidentally, his book is informative and interesting, and is 
certainly worth a read.

    As I mentioned in an earlier e-mail, Joiner is quite unambiguous about the 
helpful preventative effects of suicide barriers.  A few quotations..."The 
answer to this [the question about whether suicide barriers work] is that this 
is a moral outrage and that I and many others believe would never happen for 
any other public health problem - only suicide could be stigmatized and thus 
misunderstood to the extent that thirty people's deaths [those who jump from 
the Golden Gate Bridge]  are ignored year in and year out.  The data on this 
are in, they have been in for around thirty years or more, and they could not 
be clearer - the vast majority of those who intend to jump from the Golden Gate 
Bridge but are restrained from doing so go on to live productive lives" (p. 
150). And more..."evidently, physical barriers that prevent people from jumping 
from bridges have saved many lives" (p. 155). And still more: "Given this 
abundance of evidence, one would think it self-evident that there would have 
been a barrier on the Golden Gate Bridge all along, given that someone dies 
there every ten days or so.  That there was not is a travesty" (p. 156). And on 
and on. Hence, the basis for my earlier e-mail that the recent Bloor Street 
data conclusions run counter to conventional wisdom in the field.

   How persuasive are the data reviewed by Joiner?  Not having read the 
original studies, I'm frankly not sure.  Joiner reviews pre-post data from 
several bridges (ironically including earlier data on the Bloor Street Bridge) 
as well as the Eiffel Tower, and concludes that barriers "work" in that they 
(a) decrease suicides at that spot without (b) increasing suicides at other 
high-risk spots, like other bridges.  For example, he reviews evidence on the 
construction of barriers on the Arroyo Seco Bridge in Pasadena and the Duke 
Ellington Bridge in Washington D.C.  "Regarding the latter," Joiner says, "an 
average of four people per year died by jumping from the bridge before a 
barrier was erected; during the construction of the barrier, there was one 
suicide, and over a five year span after completion of the barrier, there were 
no suicides.  Crucially, the construction of the barrier did not cause a 
corresponding increase in the suicide rate at a nearby bridge (the Taft 
Bridge)" (p. 154).  Mike Palij stated that the article discussed on TIPS 
claimed that no previous study had shown a statistically significant drop in 
suicides following the construction of a bridge barrier.  I don't know what to 
make of that statement; it does indeed seem to be at odds with the data 
reviewed by Joiner, but perhaps it's correct.  Perhaps Joiner is relying on 
consistency of nonsignificant trends across studies or perhaps he is relying on 
meta-analytic data of which I'm not aware.  Or perhaps he is overstating the 
strength of the evidence.  Or maybe the assertion in the article is 
incorrect...I'm frankly pretty confused.

      What about Chris Green's point that the barriers may indeed decrease 
suicides at the bridges themselves and perhaps even nearby bridges, but that 
people who were going to jump probably end up killing themselves through other 
means, like shooting themselves, hanging themselves, poisoning themselves, 
etc.?  So far as I can tell, the only evidence bearing on this question 
reviewed by Joiner is Richard Seiden's 1978 study of people restrained by 
police from jumping from the Golden Gate Bridge (Joiner relies heavily on this 
study in his discussion).  According to Joiner, "Seiden located and obtained 
data on 515 people who were restrained from jumping from the bridge.  He 
compared them to a group of 184 people who had attempted suicide by other means 
and who had been taken to a San Francisco Emergency Room.  If the view that 
'they'll just go elsewhere to die by suicide' has any merit whatsoever, one 
would expect at least half of those restrained to do so. But the actual figure 
is nowhere close to that.   Approximately 95 percent of those who were 
restrained either were still alive at the time of the study or had died of 
natural causes" (p. 151). So Joiner clearly thinks that the erection of bridge 
barriers doesn't result in "displacement effects" - merely leading potential 
suicides to just kill themselves in other places or through other means.  I'm 
not entirely sure how well these data address Chris' concern, though, as 
Seiden's study doesn't bear explicitly on suicide barriers - although Joiner 
makes a direct connection.   Moreover, one might wonder whether people who are 
restrained by police are more ambivalent in some way than most other potential 
jumpers - perhaps they were restrained because they were standing on the bridge 
for a long time, willing to talk to police, willing to be talked out of 
jumping, and so on.  Nor do I know how many people who were restrained by 
police were referred to treatment that might have diminished their suicide 
risk.  In any case, I'm not sure that these data conclusively address Chris' 
question, nor am I sure that data to do so exist.

   So, the only conclusion I can come to at this point, especially after 
reading the recent report of the Bloor Street Bridge study, is that this 
literature is a lot more confusing than one would like.  Perhaps later this 
summer, I'll try to dig into the original reports themselves to try to make 
sense of them.



Scott O. Lilienfeld, Ph.D.
Professor
Editor, Scientific Review of Mental Health Practice
Department of Psychology, Room 473 Psychology and Interdisciplinary Sciences 
(PAIS)
Emory University
36 Eagle Row
Atlanta, Georgia 30322
[email protected]
(404) 727-1125

Psychology Today Blog: 
http://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/the-skeptical-psychologist

50 Great Myths of Popular Psychology:
http://www.wiley.com/WileyCDA/WileyTitle/productCd-140513111X.html

Scientific American Mind: Facts and Fictions in Mental Health Column:
http://www.scientificamerican.com/sciammind/

The Master in the Art of Living makes little distinction between his work and 
his play,
his labor and his leisure, his mind and his body, his education and his 
recreation,
his love and his intellectual passions.  He hardly knows which is which.
He simply pursues his vision of excellence in whatever he does,
leaving others to decide whether he is working or playing.
To him - he is always doing both.

- Zen Buddhist text
  (slightly modified)




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