WELCOME TO IWPR’S TRIBUNAL UPDATE No. 494, March 23, 2007

PROBLEMS AHEAD FOR HARADINAJ PROSECUTORS  Prosecutors claim witness 
intimidation, while defence talks of a respected and admired statesman.  By 
Caroline Tosh in London


COURTSIDE:

TENSIONS RAISED AT PRLIC TRIAL  Prosecution and defence lawyers object to 
interventions by judges.  By Lisa Clifford and Caroline Tosh in London

UK REFUSES SPANOVIC EXTRADITION  A Croatian Serb accused of war crimes has been 
allowed to stay in Britain.  By Rory Gallivan in London

WITNESSES SAY CONDITIONS GOOD IN KULA PRISON  Former employees tell Mandic 
trial that detainees were well fed and treated fairly.  By Merdijana Sadovic in 
Sarajevo


BRIEFLY NOTED:

KARADZIC RELATIVES INTERROGATED

DEFENCE LAWYER APPEALS DISMISSAL

NEW ALLEGATIONS OF KARADZIC DEAL WITH THE WEST


OTHER NEWS


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PROBLEMS AHEAD FOR HARADINAJ PROSECUTORS

Prosecutors claim witness intimidation, while defence talks of a respected and 
admired statesman.

By Caroline Tosh in London

As the future status of Kosovo is thrashed out in the background, its former 
prime minister has gone on trial with two ex-subordinates, charged with crimes 
allegedly committed during the 1998-99 conflict.

The March 5 opening statements at the trial of Ramush Haradinaj, a one-time 
senior officer of the Kosovo Liberation Army, KLA, have highlighted a number of 
obstacles faced by the prosecutors.

Prosecutors contend that they have had difficulties finding enough witnesses to 
testify in the face of widespread witness intimidation in the war-torn 
province. They also talk of international opposition to the case.

The defence argues there is no case against their client and says the trial can 
be seen as a victory for those in Serbia opposed to Kosovo’s independence.

Supporters of Haradinaj claim he is on trial to show that the tribunal is 
even-handed towards both sides in the Kosovo conflict and is not biased against 
Serbs.

There has only been one other KLA trial at the tribunal. It ended in the 
acquittal of former KLA commanders Fatmir Limaj and Isak Musliu in November 
2005, because of a lack of evidence to link them to the murder and torture of 
Serbs at a KLA prison camp in 1998.

Their cases are currently under appeal, along with that of their co-accused 
Haradin Bala, a former KLA footsoldier, who was sentenced to 13 years.

The indictment against Haradinaj, Idriz Balaj and Lahi Brahimaj alleges that 
between March 1 and September 30, 1998 they were involved in “the unlawful 
removal and mistreatment of Serb civilians” and the mistreatment of other 
civilians perceived to be collaborating with Serbian forces, in the Dukagjin 
region of western Kosovo.

A quick glance at the charge sheet reveals a list of crimes horrifying in their 
brutality, but on a different scale to those usually prosecuted at the tribunal 
- with no allegations of mass killing or of the widespread destruction of homes 
and properties. 

Carla Del Ponte, the chief prosecutor, underscored the importance of this trial 
in opening remarks to the trial chamber, which she has made at just two other 
trials during her seven-year tenure. 

She emphasised that the case was solely “about crimes in Kosovo in 1998”, and 
had nothing to do with any wider diplomatic events.

She warned that it “would not be an easy prosecution” and was one that “few 
supported by their cooperation at both international and local level”.

Indeed, the trial of this high-level politician could be embarrassing for some. 
Haradinaj was appointed prime minister under the constitution established by 
the United Nations Mission in Kosovo, UNMIK, in December 2004, and has been 
praised by Western diplomats for his leadership skills.

Significantly, Del Ponte reminded judges of a further obstacle to the 
prosecution - the “serious, ongoing” problem of witness intimidation in Kosovo, 
which had left many reluctant to testify and some terrified.

Witnesses, she said, had received threats “both veiled and direct”, and one had 
been threatened only that weekend.

"If I have no witnesses appearing in court, I will be obliged to withdraw this 
indictment," she warned, after presiding judge Alphons Orie interrupted this 
revelation.

But in spite of these problems, she emphasised that the judges should “be in no 
doubt, as the prosecution will prove, that these men - this warlord with his 
lieutenant and his jailer – have blood on their hands”.

In his opening statement, Haradinaj’s defence counsel painted a very different 
picture, of a statesman “both respected and admired by the international 
community” and committed “to the protection and integration of Kosovo’s ethnic 
minorities”.

“The objectives of the KLA in western Kosovo were to protect the local 
population against Serbian aggression and to fight for an independent and 
liberated Kosovo,” said Emmerson.

He dismissed the case against his client as “little more than a patchwork of 
individual allegations against Haradinaj’s co-accused, tenuously stitched 
together with the evidence of a tiny handful of witnesses”.

Emmerson made no reference to Del Ponte’s claims of witness intimidation, but 
simply dismissed the prosecution witnesses as “demonstrably unreliable” and 
their evidence against Haradinaj as “false”.

But some media reports back Del Ponte’s claims that witnesses due to testify in 
the trial are being targeted.

Last month, the Serbian radio station B92 reported that a witness had been 
killed, and that two others had later pulled out due to fears over their 
personal safety.

When quizzed about this at a press briefing on February 28, Olga Kavran, the 
spokesperson for the Office of the Prosecutor, said there was no information 
that the witness list had changed and that the number of witnesses filed 
remained at 98. 

The prosecution has long contended that witness intimidation is a grave problem 
in Kosovo – which has been administered by the UN since June 1999 – and where 
law and order have traditionally been substituted by clan rule and codes of 
loyalty and honour.

In past addresses to the United Nations Security Council, UNSC, Del Ponte 
claimed intimidation was widespread and systematic. She also slammed UNMIK for 
what she said was its “less than optimal” protection of witnesses in the 
province.

Since Haradinaj was indicted, prosecutors have wrangled with UNMIK over its 
powers to monitor his political activities. On March 7, judges dismissed the 
prosecution’s call to remove these powers. 

Prosecutors lodged their motion after a request by Haradinaj to engage in a 
public appearance with an UNMIK official, arguing that such a move might deter 
prosecution witnesses from appearing and increase risks to their safety.

In an interview with IWPR this week, Neeraj Singh, spokesman for UNMIK, 
confirmed that witness intimidation in Kosovo is an ongoing problem.

But Singh dismissed the prosecution claim that there is a connection between 
intimidation and Haradinaj’s public appearances.

“On no occasion did the prosecution provide information on any specific or 
concrete risk of harm to witnesses,” he said.

But past experience at the tribunal would suggest prosecutors could have a 
problem in finding witnesses prepared to testify in the Haradinaj trial.

An IWPR investigation from April 2005 – five months into the Limaj trial – 
found that a number of witnesses set to testify against the former KLA members 
said they had considered dropping out because the threats they received were so 
severe.

It also observed that most witnesses who had testified in the trial by that 
time were either former comrades of the accused who were reluctant to appear 
for the prosecution, or alleged victims testifying under protective measures, 
often in fear of their lives.

Of the seven witnesses who have testified in the Haradinaj trial so far, four 
of them have used similar measures to hide their identity – adopting pseudonyms 
and employing voice and face distortion technology.

Michael O'Reilly, Haradinaj's defence team coordinator, said that while it 
would be naive to suggest that there has never been a case of witness 
intimidation in Kosovo, there's nothing to link such behaviour to his client.

"Haradinaj is an intelligent man – he doesn't do that kind of thing - although 
no-one can categorically exclude the possibility that some hotheads in Kosovo 
think they're doing a service to their country by intimidating witnesses," he 
said. 

O'Reilly argues that the main problem that prosecutors face is not witness 
intimidation but lack of evidence. 

"If you look at the indictment you will see that there is very little that is 
alleged against Haradinaj personally," he added, “and what is alleged is simply 
not supported by evidence”.

He also argued that the charges against his client are based on assumption, 
rather than anything more substantial. 

"People were killed, and there's evidence that some of them may have been in 
KLA custody at that time. As Haradinaj was assumed to be the most senior KLA 
officer, it is inferred that he must have been part of it, but there's no 
evidence," he said. “It’s an inference built upon an assumption.” 

He argues that the KLA did not have control of the so-called “Dukagjin 
operational zone” - as the prosecution alleges - and that there is strong 
evidence that there were Serb actors operating in the area throughout the 
indictment period. 

To support this, he points out that Emmerson referred in his opening speech to 
a cluster of bodies – those of six Albanians – that were removed from the 
original indictment after witness statements suggested Serb forces were 
responsible for these deaths.

Krenar Gashi, a journalist for the Balkan Investigative Reporting Network, 
BIRN, in Kosovo, said that most Kosovo Albanians consider Haradinaj’s 
indictment to be politically motivated – and a reaction to the indictments of 
the late Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic and former Serbian president 
Milan Milutinovic for alleged crimes against the Kosovo Albanian civilian 
population.

“After the trial of Milosevic and Milutinovic, the international community has 
to show that it will prosecute Albanians, too. Haradinaj is a victim of this,” 
he said.

But Anton Nikiforov, political advisor to Del Ponte, dismisses the notion that 
the prosecution would indict someone to show balance.

"The concept behind this tribunal was to be even-handed – there's no mystery 
about that," he said, "but during the Balkans wars, crimes were committed in 
different states by different sides and these had to be addressed". 

"The international tribunal was not established in order to satisfy anybody's 
political concepts or feelings, but first of all to satisfy the victims of mass 
crimes. And victims were on all sides,” he explained.

Nikiforov told IWPR that there was resistance from certain quarters to seeing 
Haradinaj brought to trial, because of the sense in Kosovo - and elsewhere too 
- that the KLA and the Albanian community in general were engaged in a noble 
war against the regime in Belgrade.

"The international community supported the noble fight," he added.

This was compounded by fears that prosecuting the former premier could 
undermine stability in Kosovo, he added.

But the trial has caused little unrest in Kosovo so far, says Gashi.

He said it is not receiving as much coverage in the local press as he expected, 
and thinks it is being eclipsed in the public eye by the current negotiations 
over the future status of the province.

"Nothing in Kosovo is more important right now than the final status," he said. 
"Everything else is being ignored."

Caroline Tosh is an IWPR reporter.


TENSIONS RAISED AT PRLIC TRIAL

Prosecution and defence lawyers object to interventions by judges. 

By Lisa Clifford and Caroline Tosh in London

The prosecution and defence have clashed with tribunal judges hearing the case 
against six Bosnian Croats, saying their intrusive questioning is jeopardising 
the fairness of the trial.

Lawyers for both sides this week made impassioned appeals to the court, arguing 
that the numerous questions from the bench are disruptive and have made it 
virtually impossible for lawyers to put their cases effectively.

They also repeated a previous complaint about time constraints imposed by the 
judges.

Jadranko Prlic, Bruno Stolic, Slobodan Praljak, Milivoj Petkovic, Valentin 
Coric and Berislav Pusic were senior political and military leaders of the 
unrecognised Croat entity known as Herceg Bosna. They face 26 charges of war 
crimes for the expulsion and murder of Muslims in Bosnia and Hercegovina during 
the Croatian-Muslim conflict in 1993.

They are also accused of being part of a joint criminal enterprise to 
politically and militarily subjugate and ethnically cleanse Bosnian Muslims and 
other non-Croats from parts of Bosnia that they claimed as Herceg Bosna and to 
join this territory to a “greater Croatia”.

Also allegedly involved in this joint criminal enterprise were the former 
president of Croatia Franjo Tudjman, former Croatian defence minister Gojko 
Susak and Mate Boban, the president of Herceg Bosna. All three are now 
deceased. 

This week, prosecutor Ken Scott told the judges – led by France’s Jean-Claude 
Antonetti – that their principal role when hearing the case is that of a 
“neutral, procedural umpire”.

He said lawyers must be given time to conduct questioning according to their 
own plans, and not suffer frequent interruptions from the judges as is 
happening at the moment.

“If the prosecution has not asked a question, I would say nine times out of 10 
there is a very good reason why,” said Scott.

Prlic’s lawyer Michael Karnavas agreed that the “constant questioning” is 
problematic. He told IWPR it’s not up to the judges to search for the truth but 
rather to determine whether the prosecution has proved its case.

“The judges are trying to take over the questioning, because they’re impatient, 
and it’s disruptive,” said Karnavas. “Judges are paid to be patient. Both sides 
are struggling to have time to put their case forward.

“I am asking for my client to be afforded the same procedural rights and 
fairness afforded to other accused who - unlike Mr Prlic - were not tried under 
the shadow of the completion strategy.”

All trials at the tribunal must be concluded by 2008, with the court due to 
close its doors in 2010.

To speed up the proceedings – which have been going on for nearly one year and 
were described by Karnavas this week as by far the most complicated at the 
tribunal – Judge Antonetti in April 2006 ordered the prosecution to cut its 
case to 400 hours from the 450 it had requested.

In November, amid vehement protests from both sides, he slashed the 
prosecution’s allotted time by another 107 hours in order to ensure the case 
finishes by this summer’s July recess.

Defence lawyers, meanwhile, were given one-sixth of the time used by the 
prosecution for their cross-examination of each witness.

These time constraints, coupled with the controversy over judges’ questions, 
contributed to a tense atmosphere in court both this week and last. 

The mood deteriorated further after remarks from Judge Antonetti that appeared 
to suggest that the frequent interventions from the bench actually helped the 
defence.

“In 90 per cent of the cases - 95 per cent of the cases - most of the questions 
are in favour of your clients,” he said, addressing Karnavas and the other 
defence lawyers.

“When you say that it is not a fair trial, I would like you to tell me of 
another chamber that is to such an extent in favour of the defence.”

Judge Antonetti’s comments made at the March 15 session left prosecutors 
incredulous and Scott sitting with his head down. He told the court on March 19 
that he wanted to “disappear” from the room. 

“I was so embarrassed for this institution. I was embarrassed for myself… 
Frankly, I was even embarrassed for the judges,” he said.

Judges Arpad Prandler and Stephan Trechsel hurried to distance themselves from 
their colleague, saying on March 19 that his remarks do not “reflect our 
attitude”. They also pointed out they do not keep track of whether answers to 
their questions are favourable to one side or the other.

Then it was Antonetti’s turn to explain, which he did by blaming 
French-to-English translation problems, “The translation doesn’t always come 
across as it should and doesn’t reflect what I said.”

He then described his remarks as a “slip of the tongue” and explained what he’d 
meant to say was that in most cases, the answers to questions from the bench 
were in favour of the defence. He admitted, however, that he had not worked out 
the percentage.

Scott, however, seemed sceptical, saying, “The prosecution is very concerned 
whether the victims, the prosecution and the international community will 
receive a fair trial in this case.”

The week ended on a more conciliatory note with a special hearing on March 22 – 
described by Judge Antonetti as “positive and constructive” – to discuss time 
constraints and other matters. 

“No matter what we do, this trial cannot move any faster than it’s moving, and 
it’s moving way too fast in my opinion,” said Karnavas.

The case continues next week.

Lisa Clifford and Caroline Tosh are IWPR reporters.


UK REFUSES SPANOVIC EXTRADITION

A Croatian Serb accused of war crimes has been allowed to stay in Britain. 

By Rory Gallivan in London

A British court ruled this week that Milan Spanovic, a Croatian Serb convicted 
in absentia for 1991 war crimes in the Glina region, should not be extradited 
to Croatia to face a retrial.

The judge hearing Spanovic’s extradition case said extradition would be unfair 
since the alleged offences happened so many years ago, and because the Zagreb 
government has known of his whereabouts in Croatia and subsequently in the UK 
since May 1997.

“I am satisfied that the passage of time since the offence is alleged to have 
been committed would now make it unjust and oppressive to extradite the 
defendant, and he is therefore discharged,” said Judge Timothy Workman.

Ben Lloyd, representing the Croatian government, said he would appeal.

Croatia sought Spanovic’s extradition from the UK last year after he was 
arrested in London on a shoplifting charge. A court in Croatia convicted 
Spanovic in absentia on November 17, 1993 of war crimes against civilians in 
the Glina region of Croatia, and sentenced him to 20 years.

The conviction relates to events in the villages of Maja and Svracica on August 
18, 1991 as Serb paramilitary forces attacked predominately Croat villages 
between the towns of Glina and Sisak. Spanovic was charged with attacking and 
torturing civilians and plundering and setting fire to civilian and religious 
buildings during this attack.

His final extradition hearing was held at the City of Westminster Magistrates’ 
Court in London on March 20.

Explaining why he accepted the “passage of time argument” against extraditing 
Spanovic, Judge Workman pointed out that since arriving in the UK in 1998, 
Spanovic had been in contact with both the Croatian embassy and the UK 
immigration authorities.

“Mr Spanovic had, therefore, a reasonable expectation that he could live freely 
in this country and, as far as I am aware, he has done so in employment, 
supporting his family and without committing offences,” he said.

Judge Workman also addressed the question of whether there would be impediments 
to a fair re-trial.

“I have in mind that the alleged offences were said to have occurred during a 
period of civil war in which inevitably evidence will be hard to find or 
reconstruct,” he said.

“Witnesses’ memories after such a lengthy period during which radical change 
took place will have faded or be inaccurate. Inevitably, some witnesses may be 
unavailable or impossible to trace.”

However, Judge Workman dismissed the idea - suggested by Spanovic’s lawyer 
Julian Atlee in previous hearings - that the Croatian government may have been 
seeking another Milan Spanovic and not the one before the court.

“I am satisfied that the defendant is the person being sought by the Croatian 
authorities, because the particulars given in the request are identical to 
those given by the defendant in respect of his name,” he said.

At a previous hearing, held on March 5, Atlee had pointed to an OSCE, human 
rights report which claimed that Serbs in Croatia accused of war crimes had 
their offences upgraded so that they would not be covered by a government 
amnesty. 

Judge Workman said it appeared that the crimes with which Spanovic was charged 
were excluded from the amnesty, but that - had he not discharged Spanovic on 
the basis of passage of time - he would have had to ask for further information 
and to hear further submissions on the matter.

The judge said that since the Croatian government intended to appeal against 
the decision, Spanovic would still have bail conditions imposed on him.

However, Atlee requested that these be relaxed as Spanovic had cooperated fully 
with the court, observing his bail conditions stringently. Judge Workman agreed 
that Spanovic would no longer have to wear an electronic tag and reduced the 
hours at which he was required to be at home.

Asked outside the court how he felt about the decision, Spanovic said he was 
“happy”. 

His lawyer issued a statement saying, “My client came to the United Kingdom in 
1998 because he had faith in the English system of justice. He has always 
cooperated fully with that system, and he believes that in its judgement today, 
the facts of the case have been recognised.”

Rory Gallivan is an IWPR contributor in London.


WITNESSES SAY CONDITIONS GOOD IN KULA PRISON

Former employees tell Mandic trial that detainees were well fed and treated 
fairly.

By Merdijana Sadovic in Sarajevo

The trial of former Bosnian Serb official Momcilo Mandic continued this week at 
Bosnia’s war crimes court in Sarajevo with defence witnesses who talked about 
conditions in the Kula prison.

They said there was plenty of food and that conditions in the Serb-run prison 
east of Sarajevo were very good. It was also claimed that Muslim and Croat 
detainees received fair treatment, including regular medical assistance. 

Their testimony contradicted evidence from numerous prosecution witnesses, who 
said earlier in the trial that the conditions in Kula were “appalling” and that 
inmates were beaten, maltreated and often killed.

Before the war, Kula was a prison for petty criminals, but when fighting broke 
out in April 1992, Bosnian Serb forces took over and it became a detention 
facility for thousands of non-Serb civilians.

According to a document presented by the prosecution at the Hague trial of 
Bosnian Serb leader Mimcilo Krajisnk in November 2004 – at which Mandic himself 
testified for the prosecution – some 10,000 Muslim and Croat civilians passed 
through the prison during the first two years of the Bosnian war. The document 
was issued in October 1994 by the Republika Srpska, RS, commission in charge of 
monitoring the exchange of civilian prisoners during the war. 

Between May and December 1992, Mandic served as justice minister in the Bosnian 
Serb government and was a close ally of the Hague tribunal’s top war crimes 
fugitive, Radovan Karadzic. Mandic is the most senior wartime Bosnian Serb 
government official to be tried so far in the Bosnian court. 

According to the indictment, he was solely responsible for the administration 
of penal facilities in Republika Srpska at the beginning of Bosnia’s 1992-95 
war, and was the direct superior of all the management and staff in those 
institutions.

He is accused of crimes in Kula as well as a prison in Foca, eastern Bosnia, 
where hundreds of Muslims and Croats were unlawfully detained, tortured and 
killed. 

The indictment further alleges that Mandic “planned and ordered the persecution 
of non-Serb civilians on political, national, ethnic and religious grounds” and 
that he failed to take action to prevent these crimes and punish those 
committing them. 

In separate hearings held last summer in Sarajevo, Mandic – who four years ago 
was publicly accused by the United States of helping Karadzic escape justice 
and was described as his “major funding source” – was tried for various 
financial crimes. He was sentenced to nine years in prison by the Bosnian court 
for organised crime and corruption at the end of October last year. 

A month later, his trial on war crimes charges began at the War Crimes Chamber 
of the same court. The defence started presenting its evidence on February 23 
of this year. 

During the prosecution phase of that trial, many former inmates of the Kula 
prison testified about appalling conditions in the facility, which was too 
small to accommodate all the detainees who were brought there between May and 
December 1992, the time relevant to the indictment. 

They said sanitary conditions were poor and food was scarce. Many claimed to 
have lost 20-30 kilograms in just a few months. The court also heard evidence 
about the beatings, torture and mistreatment the inmates were allegedly 
subjected to on a daily basis.

This week, however, three defence witnesses painted a completely different 
picture of the prison.

The former cook at Kula, Voja Janjetovic, said there was “plenty of food” and 
the staff prepared three “very versatile meals” a day for all detainees. There 
was no reason for complaints, she claimed. 

“We always prepared enough food for everyone, and those who wanted more would 
get extra portions, so that no one would be hungry,” she said. Janjetovic also 
told the court that guards and the prison staff ate the same food as the 
detainees and said sanitary conditions were “satisfactory”.    

Medical technician Boro Trapara corroborated Janjetovic’s testimony. He worked 
at the Kula infirmary during the war and said he was personally in charge of 
“regular and rigorous controls of the quality of food prepared at Kula”. 

“The meals were always freshly prepared and the inmates were getting milk and 
eggs regularly,” he said. He explained there was a farm adjacent to the prison, 
with some 20,000 chickens and 100 pigs, “so we had more than enough food”.

Trapara also told the court he provided medical assistance to everyone who came 
to the infirmary and claimed inmates were allowed to visit him any time they 
needed help. 

When Judge Almiro Rodrigues asked Trapara whether he ever asked the inmates how 
and why they were brought to the prison, the witness replied: “No, that was not 
my business.”

He also said the injuries most inmates had “were minor scratches, blisters and 
bruises and they did not require special treatment”. 

Prosecutor Behaija Krnic then mentioned the name of detainee Bahrudin Becirevic 
who – according to the documents presented in court this week – died soon after 
he received treatment from Trapara. The witness said he remembered Becirevic 
was wounded, but claimed “that happened before he was brought to Kula”. 

“I treated his wound, but it was nothing serious,” he said.

He was adamant that the prisoners were not maltreated, because he “would have 
noticed that”.

He also dismissed the claims by prosecution witnesses that the sanitary 
conditions were terrible, saying that was “pure nonsense”, because “there were 
enough toilets, and they were clean”. 

Mandic – who is a trained lawyer – also questioned the witness.

“If the food was that good and everyone received sufficient number of meals, 
how come so many witnesses at this trial said they lost a lot of weight? That 
doesn’t make sense to me,” he said.

Trapara replied: “It’s not uncommon for people to lose weight when they are 
under a lot of stress, even when they have enough food.”

“I myself lost 14 kilogrammes in 1992 because of the war, and I was eating 
regularly,” he added.

When Judge Rodrigues asked Trapara to clarify “what kind of stress the 
detainees were exposed to that could cause such dramatic weight loss”, Trapara 
said he didn’t know.

“It must be because they were imprisoned – no one is too happy when they are 
detained,” he said.

While the prosecution claims Mandic – who had an office at Kula in 1992 – was 
aware thousands of civilians were detained there unlawfully and kept in 
overcrowded prison cells for months, the defence is trying to prove that the 
Bosnian Serb army was in charge of those prisoners and that their client had no 
influence over the army.

A third witness who testified this week – former prison guard Ranko Tesanovic – 
said that soon after the war broke out in April 1992, the Bosnian Serb army 
“was given one part of the Kula prison” to which regular guards, including 
himself, had no access. He said he believed the army was using its section of 
the jail to hold captured Muslims and Croats, who were then exchanged for 
detained Serbs.   

“I don’t know what was going on there,” he said. “That part of the prison was 
run and guarded by the army.”

The trial will continue on April 17.

Merdijana Sadovic is IWPR’s Hague programme manager.


BRIEFLY NOTED:

KARADZIC RELATIVES INTERROGATED

By Caroline Tosh in London

The hunt for fugitive suspect Radovan Karadzic continued this week as police in 
the Montenegrin capital detained and interrogated family members of the former 
Bosnian Serb leader, say media reports.

News agencies reported that police took close family members of Karadzic’s 
brother Luka from their homes in Niksic in western Montenegro to a police 
station in Podgorica.

Karadzic’s sister Radmila Tomovic, her husband and daughter were also taken in 
for questioning in Niksic, local media reports said.

Karadzic was indicted by Hague tribunal prosecutors nearly 12 years ago on 
charges of committing war crimes during the Bosnian war. He has eluded capture 
despite a five million US dollar bounty.

He and fellow fugitive Bosnian Serb army general Ratko Mladic are thought to be 
responsible for orchestrating the massacre at Srebrenica in 1995, when some 
8,000 Muslim men and boys were executed by Bosnian Serb forces.

Reports on Karadzic’s whereabouts have placed him in areas between Serbia, the 
Bosnian Serb entity Republika Srpska, and Montenegro. Mladic is thought to be 
hiding in Belgrade, aided by supporters in the military.

This week, Karadzic’s brother Luka – who was in Serbia when his relatives were 
taken away for questioning – said they could provide no information on 
Radovan’s whereabouts, and also accused the police of “unnecessary harassment”, 
said the Associated Press report.

This comes just one month after NATO troops raided the Pale homes of Karadzic’s 
children, Sonja and Sasa Karadzic.

***

DEFENCE LAWYER APPEALS DISMISSAL

By Caroline Tosh in London

Former Croatian justice minister Miroslav Separovic has appealed against his 
dismissal as lawyer for Croatian general Mladen Markac.

Separovic’s appeal, filed on March 20, is also against the trial chamber 
finding of misconduct in his representation of Markac, who is set to go on 
trial with former Croatian army generals Ante Gotovina and Ivan Cermak, on May 
7.

The three Croatians are charged with the murder, persecution and deportation of 
ethnic Serbs during a Croatian military operation to retake the Serb-held 
Krajina region in the summer of 1995.

Judges dismissed Separovic from the case on March 6, stating that he had a 
“personal interest” in the case and was likely to be called to testify.

Separovic, a Zagreb attorney, was Croatia’s justice minister during the period 
relevant to the indictment.

The trial chamber also ordered Markac to find a new lawyer, and told Separovic 
to assist his replacement until he or she is ready to fully take over the case.

The code of ethics for the defence at the tribunal prevents lawyers 
representing a client where there is a conflict of interest, or where “counsel 
is likely to be a necessary witness” in a trial.

In his appeal this week, Separovic argued that in their decision to dismiss 
him, judges “did not appropriately take into account the legal arguments and 
jurisprudence” on conflict of interest at the tribunal.

He also argued that the judges’ finding “jeopardises and endangers” Markac’s 
right to a fair trial “due to substantial hardship he would suffer” if he were 
not allowed to choose his own counsel. 

Attached to the appeal was a statement signed by Markac on March 7, 2006, in 
which the former general said he was “entirely informed” of the conflict of 
interest of his counsel and had “full faith” in Separovic.

Markac also said he thought the judges’ decision “unjust and unlawful” as it 
deprived him of his right to choose his own counsel.

***

NEW ALLEGATIONS OF KARADZIC DEAL WITH THE WEST

By Merdijana Sadovic in Sarajevo

The Banja Luka daily Fokus this week published a document which allegedly shows 
that former US Balkans envoy Richard Holbrooke signed a deal with Radovan 
Karadzic promising him 600,000 US dollars and freedom in exchange for his 
complete withdrawal from politics.

The copy of the document, whose authenticity is almost impossible to prove, is 
dated May 5, 1996 and appears to bear Holbrooke’s and the former Bosnian Serb 
president’s signatures.

The newspaper claims that in addition to the money – intended to cover 
Karadzic’s living costs for six years - the deal required him to live at a 
secret location either in Republika Srpska or in Serbia.

The newspaper also alleges that Karadzic honoured his side of the deal and 
disappeared from public life in June 1996.

Several newspapers in Serbia and Montenegro have picked up the same report.

Karadzic’s brother Luka told Fokus this week that he himself was a witness to 
the agreement and that several international diplomats, including the then 
Russian foreign minister Yevgeny Primakov were also aware of the deal. He 
called on Holbrooke to admit the existence of this “gentlemen’s agreement” and 
to reveal its details in public.

Holbrooke has vehemently denied the allegations.

“This is a crude and obvious forgery," Ashley Bommer, Holbrooke’s chief of 
staff, told the AFP news agency on March 22.

Also this week, the Bosnian Serb authorities again denied that Karadzic was 
hiding in Republika Srpska, but did not comment on the newspaper report.


OTHER NEWS:

Judges hearing the case of Dragomir Milosevic, the Bosnian Serb general charged 
with crimes committed during the 1992-95 siege of Sarajevo, this week conducted 
a three-day visit to several locations in the city. 

The judges were accompanied by representatives of both the prosecution and 
defence.

Milosevic succeeded general Stanislav Galic as the commander of the Sarajevo 
Romanija Corps, SRK, of the Bosnian Serb army in August 1994 until November 
1995. He is charged with murder, terror and attacks on civilians in relation to 
a campaign of sniping and shelling attacks on the city of Sarajevo. It is 
alleged that as a result of this campaign thousands of civilians of all ages 
were killed and wounded.

Galic has been sentenced on appeal to life imprisonment for his role in the 
siege. 

Milosevic’s trial began on January 11 and is currently in the prosecution phase.

***

The Hague tribunal this week dismissed a joint appeal by three Croatian army 
generals accused of crimes allegedly committed in the 1995 Operation Storm, in 
which their lawyers challenged the tribunal’s jurisdiction to try this case.

Ante Gotovina, Ivan Cermak and Mladen Markac are due to go on trial on May 7 
this year for their alleged role in murders and persecution of Serbs in the 
Krajina region in southern Croatia in the summer of 1995.

The defence teams of the three indicted generals challenged the jurisdiction of 
the tribunal arguing that there was no armed conflict in Krajina once Operation 
Storm was completed.

They claimed any crimes which might have occurred after Operation Storm 
officially ended should be prosecuted by the Croatian judiciary, because the 
tribunal has jurisdiction to try only individuals suspected of committing 
crimes during an armed conflict.

However, in their 26-page ruling this week, the judges rejected all the defence 
arguments, saying previous cases tried at the tribunal had established the 
court does have jurisdiction to hear this case. 

***

NATO troops deployed in Bosnia searched the Sarajevo apartment of Slobodan 
Zupljanin, who is suspected of helping his relative - the war crimes fugitive 
Stojan Zupljanin - escape justice. 

This raid was conducted just a few weeks after Bosnian special police searched 
several buildings in Banja Luka also belonging to Slobodan Zupljanin. 

Details of the operation in Sarajevo were not made public.

Stojan Zupljanin is one of the four most wanted Bosnian Serb war crimes 
fugitives indicted for genocide, along with Radovan Karadzic, and Bosnian Serb 
Army generals Ratko Mladic and Zdravko Tolimir. 

His indictment remained sealed until 2001, and he has been on the run ever 
since. 

***

Judges in the case of six former Serbian officials charged with responsibility 
for the forcible expulsion of Kosovo Albanians during the 1998 to 1999 conflict 
have granted a prosecution request for additional time to call three more 
witnesses.

Prosecutors in the trial of former Serbian president Milan Milutinovic, former 
deputy Yugoslav prime minister Nikola Sainovic, former Yugoslav army chief of 
staff Dragoljub Ojdanic and police and army officers Vladimir Lazarevic, Sreten 
Lukic and Nebojsa Pavkovic were due to conclude their case on March 23.

But on March 21, they made a request to add three witnesses to their list, 
which judges agreed to the following day.

The witnesses are Former NATO commander Wesley Clark, Zoran Lilic, a former 
Yugoslav president, and Shaun Burns, former United Nations mission chief in 
Kosovo.

The trial chamber has so far heard from 111 prosecution witnesses in the trial, 
which began on July 10, 2006.

Prosecutors now have until mid-May to present the additional testimonies.

The decision on whether or not to allow Clark to testify is pending, and will 
be rendered by the appeals chamber in April.

A defence request to extend the deadline of June 15 for the submission of their 
witness and exhibit lists was refused by judges. Their case is scheduled to 
begin at the end of June.


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