WELCOME TO IWPR’S ICTY - TRIBUNAL UPDATE No. 604, June 6, 2009

JUDGE INVESTIGATES KARADZIC DEAL ALLEGATIONS  He asks Swedish foreign minister 
to come forward with any information he might have.  By Simon Jennings in The 
Hague

COURTSIDE:

SERB OFFICER TESTIFIES FOR GOTOVINA DEFENCE  Witness describes climate of fear 
among Krajina Serbs ahead of Croatia’s Operation Storm.  By Andrew W Maki in 
Brussels

PRALJAK SPEAKS OF STRUGGLE TO CONTROL HVO SOLDIERS  He says that a huge number 
of Bosnian Croat troops didn’t listen to orders.  By Velma Saric in Sarajevo

STANISIC TRIAL TO RESTART SOON  Accused deemed fit by UN medical officer to 
participate in proceedings under certain conditions.  By Simon Jennings in The 
Hague

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JUDGE INVESTIGATES KARADZIC DEAL ALLEGATIONS

He asks Swedish foreign minister to come forward with any information he might 
have.

By Simon Jennings in The Hague

The Hague judge in charge of preparing the war crimes trial of Radovan Karadzic 
has asked Sweden’s foreign minister to speak with the former Bosnian Serb 
president’s legal representatives about an alleged agreement which the accused 
says leaves him immune to prosecution. 

Judge Iain Bonomy called the Swedish ambassador to The Netherlands, Hans 
Magnusson, to a court hearing this week to ask for Sweden’s help in getting to 
the bottom of Karadzic’s allegations. 

The accused insists that in 1996, the former US special envoy to the United 
Nations Richard Holbrooke agreed to grant him immunity from prosecution at the 
Hague tribunal in return for for standing down from Bosnian Serb politics. 

Karadzic has repeatedly sought to interview Swedish foreign minister Carl Bildt 
on the matter as he alleges the former Bosnian High Representative was a close 
aide to Holbrooke during that year and was involved in negotiations for him to 
step down as president. 

The accused filed a motion on May 25, asking the court to dismiss all charges 
against him on the basis of the deal he says he struck with Holbrooke 13 years 
ago.

According to his motion, both eyewitness and documentary evidence confirm that 
Holbrooke offered Karadzic immunity from prosecution at the tribunal at 
meetings in Belgrade on July 18 and 19, 1996, in return for Karadzic 
withdrawing from public life. 

Holbrooke – who was the architect of the 1995 Dayton accord which brought peace 
to the region and is now the US special envoy for Afghanistan and Pakistan – 
has repeatedly denied making any such agreement with Karadzic. 

This week, Judge Bonomy suggested that Bildt should convey anything he knows 
about any agreement to Karadzic’s legal team.

“What would be helpful would be an indication of Mr Bildt to disclose the full 
extent of his knowledge of these matters to those assisting Mr Karadzic [in his 
defence],” Judge Bonomy told Magnusson in court on June 3.

Karadzic alleges that Holbrooke proposed at the 1996 meetings that if he 
resigned as president of the wartime Bosnian Serb entity of Republika Srpska 
and did not participate in upcoming elections, then he would not face 
prosecution in The Hague. 

“At the time, the agreement was entered into, I had no doubt that Richard 
Holbrooke had promised that I would not be prosecuted at the [Hague tribunal] 
and that he had the authority to make that promise,” wrote Karadzic in his 
motion, dated May 25.

“Dr Karadzic honoured his part of the agreement. He now seeks to require the 
tribunal to honour Holbrooke's part.”

The former leader claimed that it would be a miscarriage of justice for the 
tribunal to prosecute him following the alleged agreement. 

“The indictment should be dismissed, or the proceedings should be stayed, so 
that the hands of the tribunal are not stained with Holbrooke’s deception,” 
wrote Karadzic in the motion.

Olga Kavran, spokeswoman for the tribunal’s office of the prosecutor, OTP, said 
that prosecutors would be filing a formal response to the motion in due course, 
but reiterated the office’s previous position that such an agreement as 
described by Karadzic would have no legal standing at the tribunal.

“Even if there was such an agreement, and the prosecution does not accept that 
there was, even if there was, [the OTP’s position is that] it would not be 
legally valid before the tribunal, [and] that only the [United Nations] 
Security Council can issue a resolution by which it would affect the tribunal’s 
jurisdiction and this has not happened,” Kavran told IWPR. 

Speaking in court this week, Magnusson confirmed that “there were no legal 
obstacles” to Bildt giving evidence about the agreement.

However, he said that an interview with Karadzic’s legal advisers would serve 
no purpose as, according to him, any such agreement would have no legal effect 
before the tribunal.

But Judge Bonomy said Karadzic should be given an opportunity to investigate 
his claim.

“[Karadzic] is entitled to cooperation of all states throughout the world for 
at least establishing [any] factual basis for what he presents,” said the judge.

Magnusson said that he would communicate Judge Bonomy’s request to the Swedish 
government and that it would comply if judges were to order Bildt to appear. 

“If the trial chamber would deem it necessary, Mr Bildt will be made 
available,” he said. 
Judge Bonomy asked that the Swedish government respond to Karadzic’s request 
before the end of the week, noting the necessity of moving forward with the 
case as it approaches trial. 

“We are anxious to make progress on this issue,” he said. “It needs to be 
determined speedily now. There will always be anxiety about the starting date 
for the trial being maintained as long as this issue remains outstanding.”

While a final pre-trial meeting has been scheduled for July 20, no start date 
has yet been set. It is thought unlikely that proceedings will get underway 
before the court’s summer recess from July 27 to August 17.

Although Karadzic submitted his motion on May 25, judges are allowing him to 
supplement this with additional evidence of an agreement as it is made 
available from various parties.

Judge Bonomy confirmed in court that a response to the accused’s request to the 
UN to disclose any information relating to its involvement in the alleged 
agreement had not yet been received.

Karadzic is trying to show that the Security Council – which passed a 
resolution establishing the tribunal – was a party to the alleged agreement 
granting him immunity and that the court is therefore bound to uphold it.

“You can take it that the matter will be pursued urgently,” said Judge Bonomy. 

“And if this cannot be resolved... then the chamber will... have to decide 
whether to make an order [for the UN to respond to the request] or not.” 

Karadzic was arrested in Belgrade on July 21 last year, having lived under an 
elaborate disguise and evaded capture for 13 years since the end of the war in 
the former Yugoslavia. He is charged with 11 counts of war crimes and crimes 
against humanity, including two separate genocide charges. 

The court’s indictment alleges Karadzic is responsible for crimes of 
persecution, extermination, murder and forcible transfer which “contributed to 
achieving the objective of the permanent removal of Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian 
Croats from Bosnian Serb-claimed territory”.

Prosecutors are seeking to prove he was the political force behind the massacre 
of almost 8,000 Bosniak men and boys at Srebrenica in July 1995, as well as the 
44-month campaign of sniping and shelling on the city of Sarajevo, which 
resulted in nearly 12,000 civilian deaths.

Karadzic refused to plead to the charges on March 3, citing the agreement he 
claims he made with Holbrooke, which prompted the judge to enter a plea of “not 
guilty” on his behalf.

“I have a general position in relation to the entire indictment,” Karadzic told 
Judge Bonomy in court.

“I’m challenging it on the basis of my agreement with the international 
community, whose representative at that time was Mr Richard Holbrooke.

“This tribunal does not have the right to try me.”

Judges in The Hague have already held that any alleged agreement granting 
Karadzic immunity would not hold water before the court. 

In a decision from December 17, 2008, they ruled that “any immunity in respect 
to an Accused indicted for genocide, war crimes and/or crimes against humanity 
before an international tribunal would be invalid as a matter of international 
law”. 

In order to support their decision, judges referred to statutes and conventions 
which said heads of state were not immune from prosecution.

However, Karadzic claims in his motion that he should not receive immunity due 
to his position as a former head of state, but as someone who has cooperated 
with the international community on that basis.

Although judges ruled that the mandate of the tribunal’s prosecution would not 
be affected by any alleged deal made by Holbrooke, Karadzic argues that because 
he believed the US diplomat was acting either on behalf of the Security 
Council, or appeared to be doing so, the court is in fact bound by the claimed 
agreement.

The next status conference in scheduled for July 1. 

Simon Jennings is an IWPR reporter in The Hague.


COURTSIDE:

SERB OFFICER TESTIFIES FOR GOTOVINA DEFENCE

Witness describes climate of fear among Krajina Serbs ahead of Croatia’s 
Operation Storm.

By Andrew W Maki in Brussels

The defence of former Croatian general Ante Gotovina called as its first 
witness this week a former intelligence officer of the Yugoslav army, JNA, 
which was the accused’s foe during Croatia’s 1991-95 war of independence.

Slobodan Lazarevic, a former officer of the JNA counter-intelligence service 
who worked as an undercover agent in Croatia during the war, testified that 
nationalist propaganda fomented fear of Croats among Krajina Serbs at the time. 

While the witness did not go into detail about his day-to-day activities at 
that time, he told Hague tribunal judges he collected information from numerous 
sources, including all forms of media, local civilians, and minutes from 
meetings at which internationals were present.

Gotovina and fellow Croatian generals Ivan Cermak and Mladen Markac are accused 
of orchestrating the killing of dozens of people and the shelling and torching 
of Serb towns and villages as Croat forces retook the Serb-controlled Krajina 
region in August 1995 during the Operation Storm counter-offensive. 

An estimated 150,000 ethnic Serbs fled their homes at the end of the action, 
many never to return. 

While the prosecution does not doubt the legality of the effort to recapture 
Krajina, the indictment accuses the three men of being responsible for the 
“deportation and forcible transfer, destruction and burning of Serb homes and 
businesses, plunder and looting of public or private Serb property; murder 
[and] other inhumane acts” that took place during the massive offensive. 

As the overall commander of Operation Storm, prosecutors said in court that 
Gotovina had known beforehand that among his troops were men who had suffered 
at the hands of Krajina Serbs and were predisposed to revenge crimes.

The prosecution also alleges in the indictment that Gotovina had known of the 
mistreatment of Serbs both during and after the offensive but failed to prevent 
the crimes or punish the perpetrators.

Lazarevic’s testimony is key to backing up the defence argument that it was an 
underlying culture of fear which led to the Serb exodus from Krajina, rather 
than any illegal action by Croatian forces during Operation Storm.

Referring mainly to Serb media, Lazarevic said this week that leading up to the 
offensive, past aggressions by Croatian forces, historical grievances, and 
nationalist sentiments were manipulated to create a poisonous atmosphere. 

Each piece of propaganda “reinforced” a pre-existing fear among Serbs of 
Croatian forces, he said.

“All you have to do is just light up a little fire at the centre, understanding 
that it is already there, lurking in the corner somewhere, so you just 
emphasise a little bit to bring it back to life again,” he said.

The witness told the court that the airwaves were full of nationalistic 
propaganda, while historical arguments were employed to convince Krajina Serbs 
that they couldn’t live side by side with Croats.

“To create a little bit of tension … they will just refer to 1941-1945,” when 
Croatian pro-Nazi forces carried out killings of Serbs and say “‘this is what 
happened to you then, what do you expect today?’”

But the media were not solely responsible for fear mongering, he added.

“The late [Croatian] president [Franjo] Tudjman said that he [wanted] Krajina 
without Serbs in it. That was not a secret,” said Lazarevic. 

During direct examination, Lazarevic also testified that the composition of 
Krajina’s population had shifted in the period between 1991 and 1995, with 
several hundred Croats leaving voluntarily with the aid of the International 
Committee for the Red Cross, ICRC. 

According to Lazarevic, the ICRC assisted both with the transfer of Croats from 
the Krajina, and the transfer of Serbs into the Krajina. 

During cross-examination, the prosecution pressed Lazarevic on the nature of 
the Serb departures from Krajina, seeking to ascertain how much he knew about 
the convoys of civilians leaving the region. 

“No, I think I made it perfectly clear that from day one [of Operation Storm] 
we did not have any communication [with Krajina Serbs],” said the witness. 

Lazarevic first appeared before the Hague tribunal in 2002 in the trial of 
former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic, testifying that Milosevic 
controlled and financed the Bosnian Serb and Croatian Serb armies during the 
wars. 

The statements made by Lazarevic to investigators prior to the Milosevic trial, 
and the transcripts of his testimony in that case were submitted into evidence 
by Gotovina’s defence team.

The trial is scheduled to continue next week.

Andrew W Maki is an IWPR contributor.


PRALJAK SPEAKS OF STRUGGLE TO CONTROL HVO SOLDIERS

He says that a huge number of Bosnian Croat troops didn’t listen to orders.

By Velma Saric in Sarajevo

Former Bosnian Croat official Slobodan Praljak testified at the Hague tribunal 
this week that the military wing of wartime Bosnian Croat entity Herceg-Bosna 
was unprofessional and out of control.

Praljak is indicted for war crimes along with Jadranko Prlic, Bruno Stolic, 
Milivoj Petkovic, Valentin Coric and Berislav Pusic. The six are accused of 
responsibility for the expulsion, rape, torture and murder of Bosnian Muslims 
and other non-Croats, between late 1991 and early 1994, as part of an alleged 
plan to ethnically cleanse parts of Bosnia in order to later join them to a 
Greater Croatia.

According to the indictment, Praljak served during the Bosnian war as Croatia's 
liaison to the Herceg-Bosna government and armed forces, acting as a conduit 
for instructions from the then Croatian president Franjo Tudjman and other 
officials. 

The indictment says that through his various positions and functions, Praljak 
exercised control over the local Croatian Council of Defence, HVO, armed 
forces, and was responsible for their logistics, organisation, planning, 
training, deployment, as well as strategic and combat orders.

But Praljak said in court this week that the HVO force was far from organised 
or even manageable.

“We didn’t have good organisation because we weren’t a professional army,” said 
Praljak. “We didn’t have protocols for such a situation [as existed then]. We 
couldn’t control the units.”

Praljak gave examples of units operating in central Bosnia, in the towns of 
Bugojno and Gornji Vakuf, and in Herzegovina in the town of Livno.

“Believe me, a huge number of soldiers didn’t listen to orders. You are trying 
in every possible way to control them but there is no way to do that, not even 
if you are screaming and intimidating them,” he said. 

“I even gave orders in which I tried to scare them by telling them that their 
comrades will kill them if they don’t listen. Of course, that was only an empty 
threat. I just tried to scare them.” 

Swiss judge Stephan Trechsel interjected, saying, “General Praljak, your claim 
involves a huge number of soldiers. On the basis of your claim, I have the 
impression that most Croats didn’t want to fight, but rather they were coerced 
by nationalistic leaders?”

“No, your honour, that is not true,” replied Praljak. 

“You have to keep in mind that 80 per cent of these people went to war on a 
voluntary basis. No one could force them to fight if they didn’t want to. They 
had a chance to go west, over to Croatian territory. 

“All these fighters were there on a voluntary basis, and that is why it was so 
difficult to create order among them. I already said it was not a professional 
army that could understand the idea of duties and commands.” 

Judge Antonetti then asked Praljak to explain what he did after he had heard 
from the HVO police “that the soldiers of Mladen Naletelic were carrying out 
ethnic cleansing” in Herceg-Bosna. 

In 2003, the Hague tribunal sentenced Bosnian Croat paramilitary leader Mladen 
Naletilic – also known as Tuta – to 20 years in prison for wanton destruction, 
plunder, persecutions, expulsions, unlawful labour and torture of Bosnian 
Muslims captives, whom he used as slave workers and as human shields in the 
front lines.

Praljak replied that he didn’t know anything about this.

He stressed that the only means he had of disciplining troops “was to deal with 
them without a trial”.

“I could judge them only with a gun. That means that I would have to commit a 
crime in order to punish crimes which were already committed. My only way was 
to use guns with Mladen’s people and, in that way, anarchy was created in my 
system,” he said.

Judge Antonetti then drew a parallel with the Bosnian army which he said had 
managed to tackle a similar difficulty.

“But the Bosnian army command found a way to solve that problem. Why didn’t you 
do the same with your units, General Praljak?” Judge Antonetti asked the 
accused.

“Your Honour, I could not solve that problem with 300 or more people,” 
responded the defendant. 

Referring to the actions of Naletilic’s paramilitaries, Praljak said that he 
“never saw the [Bosnian Muslim] prisoners and didn’t have any information that 
some war prisoners were taken to the front line where they had to work”. 

“In August 1993, when I heard that a number of prisoners were working on the 
Mostar military front line, I gave an order that we must withdraw them from 
there,” he added.

The defence team then presented the order for withdrawals with Praljak’s 
signature. 

When asked by the trial chamber what he did to punish the officer who ordered 
prisoners to go to the front line, Praljak said “nothing”. 

“I claim that this did not happen in my zone of responsibility or in the zone 
of responsibility of our main headquarters. We didn’t have anything to do with 
that,” he said. 

“I also did not have any authority in the military prisons because I didn’t get 
any complaints from my soldiers. Had I got complaints from my soldiers, I would 
have asked for an investigation.”

Judge Stephan Trechsel then asked for further clarification.

“I don’t get your point, General Praljak,” he said.

“First, you claim that you don’t have any authority or responsibility, and then 
you claim that if one of your soldiers had complained, you would have asked for 
an investigation. It is very contradictory.”

“I could not give any orders, but I could ask for an investigation if they had 
complained,” said Praljak. “In that case, I would have tried [to intervene].”

The trial continues next week.

Velma Saric is an IWPR-trained journalist in Sarajevo.


STANISIC TRIAL TO RESTART SOON

Accused deemed fit by UN medical officer to participate in proceedings under 
certain conditions.

By Simon Jennings in The Hague

Judges hearing the case of two former Serbian security officials at the Hague 
tribunal are on the verge of setting a date for their trial to restart amid 
lingering concerns about the health of one of the defendants. 

The trial chamber has decided to continue with the delayed proceedings after 
the United Nations prison’s reporting medical officer Dr Michael Eekhof said in 
a report of June 2 that “[Jovica Stanisic’s] general condition has improved 
slightly”.

“Although his state of mind is depressed, in my opinion, as general 
practitioner, there are no evident psychiatric reasons preventing him 
participating in proceedings,” wrote Eekhof in his report.

In the document, Eekhof also said that the defendant was fit to participate in 
proceedings for up to an hour in the bed in the video-conference room. 

Due to ongoing medical problems, Stanisic failed to appear at a hearing in 
court again this week or to follow proceedings via a video link set up for him 
from the UN prison where he is being held as final preparations were made in 
The Hague for his war crimes trial to begin again.

The defendant had also failed to show up two weeks ago when a hearing was held 
after he was recalled from provisional release in Serbia where he had been 
receiving medical treatment.

Stanisic’s poor health brought his trial – and that of his former deputy, 
Franko Simatovic – to a halt only two weeks into proceedings, on May 16, 2008, 
when Stanisic was unable to attend court hearings or watch proceedings via the 
UN prison video link.

He was suffering from a number of ailments including osteoporosis, kidney 
stones, pouchitis and depression and had refused to give up his right to be 
present during trial hearings. 

This week, however, he waived his right to be present at the pre-trial 
conference held between the judges, the prosecution and both defence teams. 

Stanisic was head of Serbian state security, DB, between December 1991 and 
October 1998 and is standing trial alongside Simatovic, also known as Frenki, 
who was the commander of the DB’s special operations unit between 1991 and 
1995. 

According to the prosecution’s indictment, both men are responsible for 
atrocities during the war in the former Yugoslavia which led to “the forcible 
and permanent removal of the majority of non-Serbs, principally Croats, Bosnian 
Muslims and Bosnian Croats from large areas of Croatia and Bosnia and 
Hercegovina”.

Both defendants have pleaded not guilty at the Hague tribunal to charges, which 
include murder, persecution, forced deportation and other inhumane acts. 

Prosecutors allege the pair provided logistical support for Serb paramilitary 
units – including Arkan’s Tigers, the Red Berets, the Scorpions and Martic’s 
militia – which committed crimes against non-Serbs in Croatia and Bosnia.

Judges have been monitoring Stanisic’s health since the trial was suspended, 
after granting both defendants provisional release on May 26, 2008, so that 
Stanisic could receive medical treatment in Belgrade.

On April 24 this year, judges decided that the case could get under way again, 
ruling that they were “satisfied that Mr Stanisic is able to endure the rigours 
of a trial and to effectively participate in the trial provided that 
accommodating measures are introduced”. 

Judges have decided to hold hearings just two days a week and if the defendant 
is unable to attend court then he is able to follow proceedings via video link 
from the UN prison. 

He will be able to communicate with his legal team in the courtroom via a 
telephone line from his bedside. The hearings will also take place in the 
afternoon to allow for Stanisic to undergo a medical examination, if required, 
during the morning. 

This week, judges confirmed that the trial would start in the coming weeks as 
soon as a firm schedule is set by the court.

Eekhof joined the in-court preparations this week via the video link from the 
UN prison to discuss his latest medical report with the judges and the parties. 

Presiding judge Alphons Orie asked Eekhof to explain his conclusions about the 
length of time that Stanisic would be able to follow proceedings via the video 
link.

“When talking about his health, he cannot hold normal conversations [for] more 
than an hour,” said Eekhof. 

Eekhof also said that Stanisic was unable to sit up for more than ten minutes 
at a time due to his back pain. However, he confirmed that this problem was 
“improving slowly” and that Stanisic was “getting more mobile”. 

Eekhof also explained that Stanisic had twice refused physiotherapy treatment 
that could help his back.

“He has been lying so long that he needs to be more active in the long term,” 
he told Judge Alphons Orie, confirming that the defendant has said he does not 
want to receive physiotherapy. 

“He has been transported to hospital but it is always quite a painful 
experience for him, which I do believe.” 

Judge Orie asked if Eekhof’s conclusions about the level of pain experienced by 
Stanisic were based only on what the defendant told him.

“That’s what I have to rely on,” said Eekhof, pointing to the subjective nature 
of a patient’s pain.

When questioned further by prosecutor Dermot Groome, Eekhof confirmed that 
Stanisic was taking medication for the pain and that his assessment of his 
ability to sit up and follow proceedings was based on his condition following 
such treatment.

Although the court had not confirmed its trial schedule, the prosecution 
informed the chamber that it was ready to give their opening statement when 
called upon to do so. 

“The opening statement is prepared. We are ready to give that whenever [the 
chamber decides on a date],” Groome told the court.

However, he requested that the court give them two weeks’ notice to finalise 
arrangements to bring witnesses to The Hague.

Judges also delivered a ruling this week allowing prosecutors to bring 
additional evidence to the trial which came into their hands earlier this year. 

The evidence includes a notebook which, noted Judge Orie, appears to belong to 
the Bosnian Serb military commander, Ratko Mladic. Mladic is still on the run 
14 years after he was charged at the tribunal with masterminding some of the 
most horrific acts of the war, including the 1995 Srebrenica genocide when 
almost 8,000 Muslim men and boys were massacred.

According to prosecutors, the notebook contains entries that refer to 
Stanisic’s “attendance at certain meetings between January 27, 1995, and 
September 5, 1995, all relating to military operations of the Yugoslav Army 
,VJ, and the Bosnian Serb Army, VRS, in Bosnia-Hercegovina in 1995”.

They said the notebook was seized during a raid – authorised by the war crimes 
court in Belgrade – on the house of Mladic’s wife, Bosiljka Mladic, on December 
4, 2008. 

Other evidence brought in included documents seized from Serbia’s ministry of 
foreign affairs in June 2008. Prosecutors say that these “provide important 
background information [to]… the legal and factual situation in terms of the 
various special units operating during the war in Croatia and in [Bosnia]”.

The prosecution will also be allowed to submit a transcript of intercepted 
communication between Stanisic and ex-Bosnian Serb president Radovan Karadzic. 

It contends that this “provides clear evidence of the close relationship and 
coordination” between Karadzic and Stanisic. 

Karadzic himself is currently in custody in The Hague awaiting trial on war 
crimes charges which include two counts of genocide.

A combat report which prosecutors say relates to Stanisic’s role and that of 
the Serbian interior ministry, MUP, in the conflict in Bosnia has also been 
added to their case. 

The defence argued that producing the evidence at such a late stage would deny 
them the opportunity to mount a defence. 

However, judges ruled that prosecutors could present the evidence at trial 
though not within the first six weeks of hearings in order to allow Stanisic’s 
lawyers enough time to conduct their own research around the documents.

Simon Jennings is an IWPR reporter in The Hague.

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