WELCOME TO IWPR’S ICTY TRIBUNAL UPDATE No. 639, March 19, 2010

BOSNIA’S GANIC EXTRADITION BID UNDER SCRUTINY  British lawyers say there’s a 
flaw in the Sarajevo prosecutor’s request for him to be returned to Bosnia.  By 
Rachel Irwin in The Hague

COURTSIDE

WITNESS TELLS OF VLASENICA KILLINGS  Says he survived by fleeing at night after 
others had been killed.

GUILTY PLEA IN LUKIC CONTEMPT CASE  Witness gets three-month sentence after 
plea agreement.  By Rachel Irwin in The Hague

COURT HEARS VJ NOT FORCED TO FIGHT IN BOSNIA  Witness says Yugoslav troops 
could opt out of Sarajevo battle.  By Velma Saric in Sarajevo

BRIEFLY NOTED

EX-KLA MAN IN TRIBUNAL TROUBLE  Brahimaj says he missed provisional release 
meeting because he was asleep.

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BOSNIA’S GANIC EXTRADITION BID UNDER SCRUTINY

British lawyers say there’s a flaw in the Sarajevo prosecutor’s request for him 
to be returned to Bosnia.

By Rachel Irwin in The Hague

Bosnia’s attempt to extradite former Bosnian presidency member Ejup Ganic from 
Britain may founder because of a legal shortcoming, experts warn.

Arrested on March 1 at Heathrow airport at Serbia’s request, Ganic was granted 
bail on March 11 by London’s High Court and ordered to remain at an undisclosed 
location until his next court appearance, expected to be later this month.

Ganic’s arrest provoked protests from Bosnian Muslims in both Sarajevo and 
London and Serbia has denied accusations that the charges against Ganic were 
politically motivated.

Immediately after his arrest, the prosecutor’s office in Bosnia and Hercegovina 
submitted a request to Britain for Ganic to be extradited back to Bosnia, in 
connection with a May 1992 incident in Sarajevo, known as the Dobrovoljacka 
(Volunteer’s Street) incident.

Serbia is also seeking to extradite Ganic to stand trial for charges related to 
the episode.

At the time, Ganic was a member of the Bosnian presidency, effectively serving 
as a deputy to then president Alija Izetbegovic.

A day before the incident, on May 2, 1992, Izetbegovic was kidnapped by the 
Yugoslav army, JNA, at Sarajevo airport when he returned from peace 
negotiations in Lisbon. 

On May 3, a deal was done under which Izetbegovic would be released and a JNA 
column would be allowed out of the besieged city by the Bosnian Muslims, but 
subsequently the column was fired upon. Belgrade says 42 soldiers were killed, 
and blames Ganic, who was effectively in charge while Izetbegovic was being 
detained. 

According to Boris Grubesic, spokesman for the prosecutor’s office in Sarajevo, 
Bosnia’s extradition request was based on the fact that a Bosnian court has 
been investigating Ganic and other individuals since October 2006; the evidence 
is in Bosnia; and that Ganic is a citizen and resident there.

However, lawyers say that according to British law, the existence of an 
investigation is not a sufficient reason to request extradition.

“The problem is that in order to be extradited, you’re supposed to be wanted 
for prosecution, not investigation,” said Anand Doobay, an extradition expert 
at Peters and Peters law firm in London.

Paul Troop, a lawyer at Tooks Chambers in London, agreed. “If there’s an 
investigation going on, that’s not going to be enough,” he said. “Bosnia is 
going to have to come clean about what its position is in relation to the 
investigation and whether or not they have any evidence against Ganic.”

Grubesic told IWPR that his office has not yet heard back from Britain 
regarding the extradition request. However, he said that if the Bosnian court 
was asked for further details on the investigation, they would “provide it in 
accordance to the relevant laws that regulate this matter”. 

Ganic, now president of Sarajevo’s School of Science and Technology, was 
arrested after attending a degree ceremony at the University of Buckingham, 
with which his school has links. 

The situation has been further complicated by remarks made by Serbian president 
Boris Tadic last weekend, in which he appeared to suggest that he wouldn’t 
stand in the way of Ganic being returned to Bosnia if he were brought to trial 
there. 

“Serbia would like to believe that the judicial institutions of Bosnia and 
Hercegovina are capable of providing a fair and honest trial,” Tanjug news 
agency quoted the president as saying.

In additional remarks to IWPR, a spokewoman for Serbia’s prosecutor’s office, 
Jasna Sarcevic–Jankovic, reiterated the president’s sentiments.

“What we consider important is that those responsible for the Dobrovoljacka 
incident be brought to justice,” she said. 

“On the other hand, it is of paramount importance to the Serbian [prosecutor’s 
office] that relations among the countries in the region – including [Bosnia] – 
should be normalised, and that war crimes prosecutions should lead to a 
reconciliation between our two states and peoples.” 

However, the Serbian justice ministry – which submitted a full extradition 
request to Britain on March 10 – told IWPR that despite the president’s 
remarks, there are no plans to withdraw the request.

“The ministry will not withdraw the request for extradition of Mr Ganic,” 
Milica Bogdanovic, a spokeswoman at the ministry, said, adding that the matter 
is now in the hands of the British courts. 

Some observers say that President Tadic’s comments could indicate a hesitancy 
to try Ganic in Serbia.

“I’m not sure Serbia really wants him,” said Florian Bieber, a political 
scientist and lecturer in eastern European politics at the University of Kent. 
“If Ganic was tried in Bosnia … [then] Serbia could claim a success and say, 
‘Well, if we hadn’t pushed for it, nothing would have happened in Bosnia.’

“The risk is much lower than having him tried in Serbia when things might go 
wrong. If [Serbia] doesn’t have a water-tight case, just imagine the fallout 
regionally. It would make Serbia look extremely bad and jeopardise all judicial 
cooperation in the region.”

The Ganic case has already highlighted the inherent difficulties with judicial 
cooperation and parallel investigations.

Sarcevic-Jankovic said that the Serbian prosecutor’s office began examining 
files related to the Dobrovoljacka case in 2006, after the military court was 
dissolved. Around that time, she continued, the Serbian prosecutor “assisted 
and provided logistical support” to the deputy prosecutor in Bosnia in 
collecting evidence related to the case.

“We thought at the time that the prosecutor’s office [in Bosnia] would open 
this case, but we have never been informed that it did so,” she said.

Grubesic, of the prosecutor’s office in Sarajevo, declined to comment on 
whether they notified Belgrade when the investigation began.

That both Serbia and Bosnia were apparently investigating the case at the same 
time is indicative of a broader problem, observers say. 

“There’s still really no effective institutional cooperation between the 
Serbian office and the Bosnian office [of the prosecutor],” said Marko Prelec, 
senior analyst for the International Crisis Group. 

“There’s been attempts to institutionalise a process that would essentially 
divide cases between the two of them, so they wouldn’t end up duplicating 
efforts and getting in each other’s way, but that hasn’t really worked out, I 
think partly because of mistrust on both sides.”

In terms of what happens next, lawyers say that Bosnia can assist Ganic in 
challenging the extradition in other ways, such as providing materials to 
support the arguments his lawyers make in court.

Along those lines, Doobay said, Ganic and his lawyers can raise bars to 
extradition, which could include arguing that his human rights might be 
violated if he is extradited to Serbia.

Prelec, of the ICG, also pointed out that recently the Australian supreme court 
“overturned a lower court’s decision to extradite one of their nationals of 
Serbian origin to Croatia, on the grounds that they believed he wouldn’t get a 
fair trial [there]”.

If judges decide that Ganic should be extradited to Serbia, he can appeal 
against the decision, and the process could stretch on for quite some time.

Rachel Irwin is an IWPR reporter in The Hague.


COURTSIDE

WITNESS TELLS OF VLASENICA KILLINGS

Says he survived by fleeing at night after others had been killed.

A prosecution witness in the Hague tribunal trial of Bosnian Serb general 
Zdravko Tolimir told the court this week that in July 1995 he survived the 
execution of a group of men from Srebrenica by the Bosnian Serb army, VRS, in 
the Vlasenica area.

Tolimir, the former assistant commander for military intelligence and security 
in the Republika Srpska, RS, army general staff, is charged with eight counts 
including genocide, conspiring to perpetrate genocide, extermination, murder, 
expulsion, forced transfer of population and deportation of Bosniaks, Bosnian 
Muslims, from Srebrenica and Zepa in July 1995.

The indictment includes a charge that Tolimir oversaw on July 16, 1995, a VRS 
unit which executed more than 1,700 Bosniaks at the Branjevo military estate 
and the Pilica cultural centre in eastern Bosnia. 

The witness, identified as protected prosecution witness PW 017, previously 
testified in the trial of the former chief-of-staff/deputy commander of the VRS 
Drina corps, Radislav Krstic, sentenced to 35 years in prison for the genocide 
in Srebrenica. 

The transcript of that testimony was entered, with photographs, into the record 
this week.

PW 017 described this week how, on July 11, 1995, he came with his family to 
the village of Potocari and remained there in the Potocari bus company grounds, 
fearing that he would be executed by the Bosnian Serb army.

He said conditions he found on July 11 in Potocari were "chaotic. There was a 
large pile of people with no accommodation, no food or water, with children 
screaming and crying".

On the morning of July 12, according to the witness, people panicked, "They had 
heard that the men were being separated from the women." PW 017 decided he 
would hide with his family in a damaged bus in the compound, where they stayed 
all day and night.

According to the indictment, the implementation of the plan to murder Muslim 
men and boys from Srebrenica started on the afternoon of July 12 with the 
forced separation of men and boys from their families at Potocari. More than 
1,000 men were taken to Bratunac where, on July 14, they were temporarily 
imprisoned in buildings and vehicles.

PW 017 said he decided to try to leave the bus company compound on July 13, 
together with his family.

Carrying his five year-old daughter, he joined a large group of people who were 
trying to break through to one of the parked buses, which were supposed to 
ferry women and children to Bosnian-controlled territory.

While Serb soldiers were not watching, he boarded one of the buses and hid on 
the floor.

PW 017 said that the bus stopped in a village called Luke, from which people 
had to continue on foot.

"After some steps I was stopped by some Serb soldiers who ordered me to give 
the baby to my wife and told me to come along," said the witness, adding that 
he was taken to the school at Luke.

The indictment against Tolimir says that on July 13, VRS and interior ministry, 
MUP, force members transported women and children from Srebrenica to the 
village of Luke, close to Tisca. 

It says that some of the remaining men and boys were separated from that group 
by the VRS Vlasenica brigade, including some Bosnian Muslim women, while the 
remainder of the group had to reach Bosnian Muslim-controlled territory on foot.

At the school, the witness said he found some 20 prisoners with their hands 
bound behind their backs.

PW 017 said that, the same night, an attractive girl was brought in by a group 
of Serb soldiers. "The Serb soldiers referred to her as a 'Turk', telling her 
she was beautiful and then took her into a classroom. Later I heard her 
screaming and crying, 'Please leave me alone. Don't touch me'," said the 
witness, who estimated her age to be 17.

The same night, he said, 22 other prisoners were brought in and, together with 
the others including him, were brutally beaten.

After being beaten up, the witness said he was ordered to board a military 
truck which started for Vlasenica and then turned onto a dirt track.

He said the truck stopped in a meadow close to a burned house, and three Serb 
soldiers immediately started killing the prisoners.

"Two prisoners tried running away. They jumped off the truck and started 
running, managing some 20 metres before they were shot down," the witness said. 
It was then, he said, that he seized the opportunity to run away.

PW 017 said Serb soldiers started shooting at him but missed as it was dark and 
he managed to reach the woods and stay there until dawn.

He moved on and, after a week, met other Bosnian Muslims with whom, on July 27, 
he succeeded in reaching Bosnian territory.
Tolimir is defending himself. The first indictment against him was presented on 
February 25, 2005, and he was arrested on May 31, 2007. On December 16, 2009 he 
pleaded not guilty to all counts.

Velma Saric is an IWPR-trained reporter in Sarajevo.


GUILTY PLEA IN LUKIC CONTEMPT CASE

Witness gets three-month sentence after plea agreement.

By Rachel Irwin in The Hague

A Bosniak man pleaded guilty to contempt this week after admitting that he 
accepted money in exchange for signing a false statement in the trial of 
Bosnian Serb cousins Milan and Sredoje Lukic.

Judges at the Hague tribunal sentenced the man, Zuhdija Tabakovic, to three 
months in prison with credit for time served. He is expected to be released 
this week.

In exchange for a plea of guilty to three of the six contempt charges, the 
prosecution agreed to dismiss the remaining three charges and impose no fine.

Court documents said Milan Lukic’s former case manager, Jelena Rasic, initially 
approached Tabakovic about signing the statement in October 2008, as well as 
two other men known in court as “X” and “Y”, who were recruited by Tabakovic to 
sign additional false statements.

Steven Powles, Tabakovic’s lawyer, said it was Tabakovic who notified the 
tribunal field office in Sarajevo in December 2008 of his involvement in the 
scheme, and also provided investigators with the false statement and other 
documents, including a map that Lukic drew himself.

“[Tabakovic] initiated this case by bringing matters to the attention of the 
[Office of the Prosecutor],” Powles said.

“In contacting the prosecution … Mr Tabakovic put right his wrong and ensured 
no actual damage was done to the trial process.”

Tabakovic had pleaded not guilty at his initial appearance last December 22 and 
the trial had been expected to go ahead as scheduled on March 15.

The parties came to the plea agreement on March 11 and there was no indication 
why the other people said to have been involved have not been charged. The 
Office of the Prosecutor, OTP, declined to comment.

During much of the hearing, Tabakovic, 46, sat hunched forward, with his head 
in his hands.

According to the public version of the plea agreement, which was summarised by 
Prosecutor Paul Rogers during the hearing, Tabakovic was approached by Rasic 
some time in October 2008.

Rogers said Rasic subsequently produced a written statement and said that if 
Tabakovic signed it, he would be given a total of 2,500 euro, plus new clothes, 
shoes and an all-expense-paid trip to The Hague to testify on Lukic’s behalf.

Rasic added that the money was coming from Lukic himself, and that Tabakovic 
would receive 1,000 euro upon signing the statement, while the rest would come 
just before or after he arrived in The Hague, the prosecutor said. 

The statement – included as an exhibit in the public version of the 92-page 
plea agreement – relates to the charge in the Lukic indictment that on June 7, 
1992, Milan Lukic and some other men took seven Bosniaks, Bosnian Muslims, to 
the banks of the Drina river in the eastern Bosnian town of Visegrad and shot 
them. 

According to the plea agreement, Tabakovic was in Sarajevo on June 7, 1992 and 
“had not seen or been involved with any of the events referred to in the 
statement”.

The Lukic cousins were accused of leading a campaign to terrorise and kill 
Bosniak civilians during the summer of 1992 in Visegrad. The trial began in 
July 2008 and concluded the following spring.

On July 20, 2009, Milan Lukic was found guilty of all 21 counts against him, 
including the burning alive of about 120 civilians in two barricaded houses. 
Sredoje Lukic, a former police officer, was found guilty of aiding and abetting 
the first of the house fires – on the town’s Pionirska Street – as well as 
joining Milan Lukic in the beating and mistreatment of civilians at the 
Uzamnica prison camp. Both are appealing against their convictions.

After Tabakovic signed the false statement in October 2008 and had it notarised 
at the municipality building in Sarajevo, Rasic gave him 1,000 euro in cash, 
the plea agreement states. She also gave him a map, which Milan Lukic hand-drew 
in blue ink to help Tabakovic “better understand the events in the statement”, 
it says.

According to the plea agreement, Rasic then asked if Tabakovic knew any other 
people who would be willing to sign similar statements for money, and Tabakovic 
subsequently recruited two other men, known to the court as X and Y - both X 
and Y signed false statements and each received 1,000 euro afterwards.

The document continues that in late December 2008, Tabakovic went to the 
tribunal field office in Sarajevo and told them about the false statement. In a 
tape recorded interview on December 31, he said he had come forward because it 
was “the proper thing to do, actually” and that he felt “relieved and much 
better” as a result.

Powles, Tabakovic’s lawyer, told judges that because his client came forward 
when he did, “there was no prospect thereafter of [him] coming to the 
[tribunal] to give false evidence” and it “could not have happened from there 
on in”.

Powles also said that Tabakovic was led to believe he would be a witness if the 
contempt case went forward, and was not interviewed as a suspect until 
September 2009.

“It was Tabakovic himself who sought to ensure that no harm was done to outcome 
of Lukic trial,” Powles said, adding that his client signed the statement 
because he needed money, and not for ethnic or patriotic reasons.

Powles said that Tabakovic sent his “sincere apologies to the trial chamber and 
the victims of the crimes in the Lukic case”.

The following day, on March 16, a status conference was held to discuss the 
Lukic cousins’ appeal against their respective convictions.

Presiding judge Mehmet Guney said the appeals hearing was unlikely to be held 
before June, and both the prosecution and defence requested six weeks’ notice 
of the exact date.

The judge also asked Milan and Sredoje Lukic about their health.

“My health is fine,” Milan responded. “[But] when an innocent man is in 
detention, you know how it is.”

Rachel Irwin is an IWPR reporter in The Hague.


COURT HEARS VJ NOT FORCED TO FIGHT IN BOSNIA

Witness says Yugoslav troops could opt out of Sarajevo battle.

By Velma Saric in Sarajevo

A defence witness told the Hague tribunal trial of former Yugoslav army, VJ, 
chief Momcilo Perisic this week that members of the 72 Special Brigade were 
free to decide whether to take part in fighting on the frontlines around 
Sarajevo in December 1993.

Zlatko Danilovic, a former member of the 72 Special Brigade of the VJ, was 
giving evidence for the first time in the trial of Perisic, former chief of 
general staff of the VJ, who has pleaded not guilty at the Hague tribunal to 13 
charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity in Bosnia and Croatia.

These include aiding and abetting the 43-month siege of Sarajevo and the 
massacre of some 8,000 Bosnian Muslim men and boys in Srebrenica in July 1995.

Perisic's authority, the indictment states, allowed the general to implement 
decisions of the VJ general staff and its subordinate units, as well as to 
transfer VJ personnel to the Bosnian Serb army, VRS, and the Serbian Krajina 
army, SVK, for temporary assignments or indefinite periods.

His indictment alleges that Perisic provided financial, logistical and 
personnel support to Serb forces in both Croatia and Bosnia between 1991 and 
1995, by personally establishing two personnel centres within the VJ to 
covertly deploy officers to those two breakaway republics and pay their 
salaries.

At the beginning of his statement, Danilovic confirmed that he had joined the 
72 Special Brigade on January 4, 1993, and that he ended his service on October 
31 of the following year. 

He said he was stationed with his unit at Avala, near Belgrade, and had not 
once seen nor heard from his colleagues or superiors that General Perisic had 
come to visit that unit. 

Danilovic then said that some 50 soldiers of the 72 Special Brigade were 
deployed in the municipality of Vogosca near Sarajevo. 

According to the indictment, Perisic aided and abetted crimes including 
unlawful killings, inhumane acts and attacks against the civilian population of 
Sarajevo, knowing that the aid in logistics and personnel which he supplied 
would be used in the commission of these crimes.

The indictment states that Perisic had used his authority to deploy VJ unit 
members as support to the VRS in its siege of Sarajevo during the "Pancir-2" 
operation from December 1993 to February 1994.

"We were told that anyone who felt incapable or for any other reason couldn't 
go, didn't have to go and would not bear any consequences. All those who 
wanted, came along," the witness said.

"We arrived in Vogosca in late December and we were left to settle in a hotel. 
I don't know what its name was but I know it was in Vogosca and we stayed there 
for ten days.

“During that time we had neither military activity [against the Bosnian army, 
ARBiH] nor contact with VRS members.” 

The witness said the 72 Special Brigade were involved in action against the 
ARBiH on December 27 which last two hours. He said his unit suffered casualties 
– six dead and 10 injured.

The task of the brigade was, according to Danilovic, to occupy the Betanija 
medical centre in Vogosca, which was under the ARBiH control, as well as the 
bunkers and trenches around it.

"My group was charged with taking the bunkers and ditches and another one with 
entering the building. We did our task, yet the other group faced strong 
resistance. They were let into the building and then attacked with hand 
grenades. After two hours of fighting we managed to get out of the site, but we 
did not succeed in taking our dead with us," he said.

The witness said that members of the brigade stayed in the Sarajevo area for 
two further days and then went back to Serbia. The bodies of the six killed 
were subsequently returned after 10 or 15 days to Serbia and buried there.

Danilovic said he kept up regular contact with colleagues from his former unit 
in Serbia, "Every year on December 27, we pay our respects to the killed in the 
presence of all members of the unit, both present and past."

In cross-examination, the prosecutor, Evangelos Thomas, asked questions related 
to the way Danilovic's service was ended. The prosecution says he was 
discharged from the unit in October 1994 on grounds of desertion, whereas the 
witness said he had left the unit "by agreement with the commander", and that 
at the time he had received an offer of a job outside the military.

Judge Michèle Picard asked the witness whether VJ soldiers could decide just 
like that whether they would take part in an action or not, or whether they had 
to follow their superiors' commands, to which the witness answered, "In this 
case, the soldiers had the right of choice."

Perisic surrendered to the Hague tribunal on March 7, 2005 and the trial began 
on October 2, 2008.

The trial continues next week.

Velma Saric is an IWPR-trained reporter in Sarajevo.


BRIEFLY NOTED

EX-KLA MAN IN TRIBUNAL TROUBLE

Brahimaj says he missed provisional release meeting because he was asleep.

Lahi Brahimaj, a former member of the Kosovo Liberation Army, KLA, has written 
to the Hague tribunal to say he was asleep when European Union monitors came to 
his house on February 17 for a scheduled meeting.

The letter, dated March 10 but only made public six days later, came shortly 
after Brahimaj was warned on March 4 to adhere to the terms of his provisional 
release, which includes weekly visits by EU Rule of Law Mission, EULEX, to his 
home in Pristina.

“I had just undergone medical treatment and was on antibiotics which caused me 
to sleep longer than usual in the morning,” Brahimaj wrote of the 10.30 am 
scheduled visit. “When I woke up, I immediately realised that EULEX had left 
without meeting me.”

He said that he contacted EULEX officials within 40 minutes of the meeting time 
to explain what had happened.

“I would like to assure the court that I am taking the conditions of my 
provisional release seriously and did not in any way intend to disrespect the 
court,” Brahimaj wrote.

He concluded by stating that since the February incident, he has attended all 
his scheduled EULEX meetings and complied with the other conditions of his 
release, and will continue to do so.

Brahimaj stood trial in 2007 with KLA commander Ramush Haradinaj and member 
Idriz Balaj for crimes – including murder, rape and cruel treatment - committed 
against civilians during the Kosovo conflict of the late 1990s. Both Haradinaj 
and Balaj were found not guilty of the charges against them.

Brahimaj, however, was found guilty of torture and cruel treatment. He is 
appealing against the conviction, which resulted in a six-year prison sentence 
with credit for time served. He was granted provisional release on May 25, 2009.

Rachel Irwin is an IWPR reporter in The Hague.

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