Anyamoko,
Where is this brave young man? Was he killed by "Kony"(Read NRA)?
Rgds
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--- Begin Message ---OPOKA JAMES
SATURDAY, 29 ........
DEPATURE FROM UGANDA.
Fellow Ugandans.
As you may be aware, Dr. Col. Kizza Besigye (Rtd.), and several members of
his former task force, myself included, are currently living outside
Uganda. I have been following the events unfolding back home with interest.
I must confess that I am touched and encouraged by your anticipation, and
how you have reacted to the situation in the country, sometimes eagerly
awaiting our communiqué. Allow me to start off by informing you I am still
committed to working for democratic reforms in the country and I am more
determined than ever. I also know that comrades and wellmeaning people in
Uganda and worldwide are tirelessly putting together the necessary
infrastructure (and apparatus) to place Uganda back in the family of fully
functional practising democratic nations.
I would like to set the record straight as to why I left Uganda. Over the
past 15 years, I have witnessed our beloved country, Uganda, traumatised by
the relentless effort of the forces of doom. The Uganda I love has been
systematically plundered and pillaged by these evil forces. My decision to
leave Uganda was based on the realisation that our tormentors had eroded
the foundation for civilisation - that is the respect for human rights. The
new millennium theme, for Democratic nations, is to champion humanity.
Uganda’s current administration, on the other hand, prides itself in the
destruction of humanity. By the time I left Uganda, it was evident that the
citizens are living under siege. From the statesponsored decade and a half
of tyranny in the north, my homeland,to the bombings in Kampala suburbs,
Kasese raids in the presence of UPDF troops, not forgetting the sham
elections we went through. Fellow Ugandans, you must realise that Peace and
Freedom are universally fundamental rights worth sacrificing for. This
sacrifice must be met by anyone who counts him or herself worth y. Worthy of
a God given right.
The stakes are high. As you can tell from the reaction of the Museveni
administration, the die has been cast. Having been humiliated on all away
missions, Museveni is now turning the guns on his own people. Deployment in
western Uganda (a former strong hold for Museveni) is an indication that
Museveni’s friends are thin on the ground. Ugandans have realised that the
“emperor is not wearing any clothes.
BACKGROUND
Since Museveni came to power, my homeland in the north has been
consistently a battlefield. At the end of the 1986/87 wars, there was a
time when the situation had taken a turn for the better. I recall back in
1986/87, when NRA’s 15th Battalion was in Gulu. Under the leadership of Lt.
Col Samson Mande and later joined by Lt. Col. Fred Mugisha (RIP) when Gulu
had fallen, a good relationship, between the NRA’s 15th Battalion, the
local population and the UNLA forces was established. Several UNLA troops
surrendered, some were integrated into the 15th Battalion of the NRA. This
was an unprecedented act of professionalism, loyalty to the cause and a
sense of responsibility to the local population, on behalf of the NRA
forces. This also was a challenge to the evil forces within the NRM high
command. The 15th Battalion was removed. This was done to deliberately
sabotage a good working relationship between the 15th Battalion and the
local population. At this point, Museveni’s extermination policy was
unleashed on the people in Gulu.
One Major General David Tinyefuza, who had been removed from active duty
for indiscipline, was appointed as the northern brigade commander. On
arrival, Tinyefuza made his objectives clear:
* Former soldiers of the UNLA were enemies.
* Insisting that the UNLA forces had killed people in Luweero and looted
property, they weren’t to be handled with kid gloves. Tinyefuza implied
that the UNLA troops did not deserve to be treated as POW’s.
* Tinyefuz a instructed NRA Soldiers to raid, loot and pillage villages in
and around Gulu. His reason for this inexcusable act was that the property
had been stolen from Luweero. In due process, many lives were lost. He
continuously justified this act because he was one of the main
beneficiaries of the loot.
* The raids were executed using a search and cordon operation against
civilians who were nonviolent and former UNLA officers who were now
reporting to the NRA voluntarily.
* The ex UNLA soldiers were rounded up, mentally and physically tortured,
tied up “kandoya” style, which involves tightly tying a victims arms behind
the back and leaving the victim to die of breathing problems.
The atrocities were carried out for months. This destroyed the relationship
between the NRA and the population. From then on, the line was drawn in the
sand. Ugandan citizens in the north had to take security matters in their
own hands. It was war, thus conflict and rebellion began. Rather than
rectifying the situation, Museveni and his military monsters intensified
the unprovoked attacks on wana inchi and their property, under the guise of
stamping out the rebellion. Innocent civilians lost their lives, food
granaries were burnt down, cattle was looted and grass thatched houses were
set ablaze. A systematic extermination policy, implemented on citizens who
defended their worldly possessions.
A group of local political leaders, (Mzee Andrew Adimola, Hon Omara Atubo,
Mzee Tiberio Okeny, Mr. Okwonga Latigo to mention a few), who spoke against
these injustices were ignored. Museveni’s response was to brand them rebel
collaborators and have them arrested. While pursuing his policy in the
north, Museveni deliberately misinformed the rest of the country on what
was transpiring in the north.
TYRANNY, CORRUPTION AND THE COVER UP.
Museveni portrayed to Ugandans and the international community that the war
in the north was an affair for the Acholi peo ple and criminals who are
unhappy with the peace and development brought by the NRM. Museveni
consistently lied to the people of Uganda how the NRA was dealing with the
rebellion effectively and how he had the capacity to strike the enemy in a
quick and decisive manner. On the Contrary, rebellion in the North
demystified Museveni’s leadership skills. Museveni’s dead lines came and
went but the war raged on. Museveni’s military could not stop a war they
had started. This was the beginning of Museveni’s failed military missions
post the UNLA government.
The rebellion gathered momentum. The oppositionarmed groups redefined
themselves over the years. You will recall the UPDA, Alice Lakwena’s Holy
Spirit movement then to Kony’s Lords Resistance Army. As a result, the
local population, which was supposed to be protected by the NRA/UPDF, was
caught up in cross fire. Those who didn’t support the rebellion were
brutalised, abducted, killed. Women were, raped and subjected to
dehumanising acts. Acts such as cutting of ears and lips of those who had
no interest in joining the rebel ranks were common. The Atiak massacres,
the Lamwo massacres, the Acol Pii massacres, the Sacred Heart, Sir Samuel
Baker and Aboke abductions are examples of atrocities committed. There is
evidence that the NRA/UPDF committed some of the atrocities e.g. the Acol
pii massacres where thousands of people including refugees were killed.
Another case in point is an ambush on Karuma - Packwach road near Ayugi
Bridge in 1997 where several buses were burnt near an Army detach. The
reason is government wanted to turn the people against the rebels by
committing these atrocities and also to satisfy their extermination policy.
There was no government intervention at all in these situations not even an
investigation on the events. It was difficult for the population to rely on
any armed organisation, be it the government. As a matter of fact, the
NRA/UPDF were relived of th eir extermination duties. The NRA/UPDF did not
intervene to protect citizens. They instead used the civilians as shields
to protect the NRA/UPDF from rebel attacks by asking them to build
internally displaced peoples camps around UPDF detachments. One can argue
that the NRA/UPDF were actually collaborators of the rebels and happy with
killings of the Acholi people.
To make matters worse for the Northern citizens, Museveni’s government was
openly supporting the SPLA. The SPLA conducted their business openly in
Gulu and Kitgum (they still do so in Kitgum), and were paraded now and
again on national functions. This can be seen from the Independence Day
celebrations of 1997 where Col Peter Eyuk of the SPLA and Manut Bol who
then was still with the SPLA attended the function on government
invitation. The result was retaliation from Sudan and increased support for
the LRA.
The SPLA posed a good financial venture for all the corrupt NRA/UPDF
Generals and commanders deployed to the north. These senior UPDF Soldier
were sent to run illegal trade rackets for themselves and their bosses in
Kampala, under the guise of stamping out rebellion in the north. It was an
opportunity for these commanders to launder billions of shillings of
taxpayer’s money. It was to this situation that the Ghost Soldiers’ scheme
was born. We know who the beneficiaries are. Brig. James Kazini and his
line of paymasters. The racketeering was bringing in a vast amount of
unaccounted and tax free booty for these Generals. In order to secure their
immoral earnings, the commanders perpetuated the war. The general public
was fooled into believing that there was a need for billions of tax
shillings to be thrown into the profit making, selfish war. Local people
were conscripted into LDU’s. The LDU’s are rarely and poorly paid, poorly
trained, poorly equipped and tasked to carry out the UPDF jobs. This was a
move by Museveni to make the Acholi fight themselves.
Calls to resolve the conflict, peacefully through dialogue were frustrated
by Museveni’s administration. Museveni and his commanders were not in
favour of an end to hostilities. Among the various reasons were:
* The profiteering rackets stood to lose a lot of money. The taxpayers
billions would stop flowing into their pockets.
* Museveni’s extermination policy, a hidden agenda against the people of
northern Uganda.
* The war is being used by Museveni and his Generals to siphon money out of
the treasury to finance illegal activities e.g. Congo adventures and
trading, buying of votes during elections. This is because the presence of
the war explains the heavy expenditure in defence. However in practice
instead of using the money in defence and military equipment a big portion
is withdrawn illegally and used to finance activities that don’t appear on
any budget line like buying votes and political opposition. Whenever there
is purchase of equipment, inferior or junk equipment is bought so that, the
difference can be used to finance these illegal activities. Even the ghost
soldier’s scheme at the top is meant to save money for activities that
parliament and donors cannot approve. The whole process leaves the
population defenceless, soldiers ill trained and ill equipped with poor
welfare. Museveni is therefore likely not to stop any war as long as there
is need to finance illegal activities.
DERAILING PROGRESS OF THE PEACE PROCESS
To avoid exposing his real objectives, Museveni concocted a peace plan he
knew would never be acceptable to the citizens in the north. The Betty
Bigombe Peace talks. On realising that the peace process was yielding
fruit, Museveni opted to destroy the process and issued an ultimatum. The
negotiation collapsed immediately there was an immediate resumption to
hostilities. We all know Museveni never lives up to any negotiations -
evident since the UNLA- NRA Nairobi peace talks. Other examples include th e
negotiations between the NRA and Brig Moses Ali’s group during the
struggle. They reached an agreement that after the struggle Moses Ali would
be made Vice President and promoted to the rank of Major General, that his
senior officers will be appointed to senior positions in the Army and
government. To date Moses Ali is not VP, he only illegally promoted himself
to the rank of General. His other comrades are in the cold and have become
destitute. Another example is the Kikunyu conference of 1982 where there
was an agreement that when the bush struggles ends Buganda would acquire a
federal status. Since the bush war ended in 1986 we know what has happened.
Those who took the lead in reminding Museveni were labelled rebels and
arrested e.g. Vincent Kyobe; Others like Dr. Martin Kato are in exile. We
cannot forget the War victims of Luwero and Arua who were promised
resettlement packages and rehabilitation packages. If he is to be taken for
his word or action, Ugandans are aware of what he did with the 10point
programme -placed it in a gun barrel. The above is meant to explain that
Museveni never means any negotiations he goes to. Citizens in the north
continued to perish in the neverending conflict because of these methods.
Museveni later introduced the Internally Displaced Peoples Camp. A
Nazitype policy, very typical of Adolf Hitler and Sloban Milosovic’s
sectarian extermination. The people opposed the establishment of these
camps and were forcefully evicted from their homes. The UPDF bombed the
villages killing several people, burning down huts and granaries. They also
posed as rebels cutting peoples ears and lips to create fear among the
locals and force them to accepting the camps. To date the people in the
camps are still struggling to go back to their homes. There was no
preparation for the primary social services in these camps. Ugandan
citizens were subjected to living like refugees in their own country. This
is the mo st disastrous human catastrophe in the history of Uganda. The
human death toll is overwhelming.
HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS
A visit to the camps one will witness first hand the evil Museveni’s
government has handed to our fellow Ugandans. The insurmountable
atrocities; cultural breakdown, disease, poverty, violence, teenage mothers
and high child mortality rate are very rife in these excuses for
concentration camps. They are experiencing the greatest form of
dehumanising torture, rape of women and defilement. There is also the rape
of men commonly known as “gunga”, which has never been seen in our history.
Many of the raped men have committed suicide. The spread of AIDS and other
diseases like cholera, dysentery, have claimed thousands of lives of our
people. For detailed graphic accounts, please read a report from the Acholi
religious Peace initiative titled “Let my people go”. This report depicts a
frank and bitter perspective of life in the camps. Traumatised children
have grown up and even married in these campsites. Significant resources
will have to be poured into psychological rehabilitation for these
children. This is a crime against humanity that Museveni and his generals
will answer for as long as they live.
Not only the north was subjected to war, various parts of the country were
subjected to insecurity. In 1986 the NRA started committing atrocities
against the people of teso, grabbing of their cattle and looting of food
from granaries. This was because the leadership of the NRA branded the teso
people the people of former President Milton Obote. The NRA blamed the
atrocities committed by the special force of Obote on the people of teso.
So they were acting in revenge. In retaliation the people of teso rebelled
and formed the UPA. During the rebellion several people who lost their
lives. The Mukura train wagon massacre is a case in point. The government
hatched a policy that left many people maimed with their p roperties
destroyed by the army. It’s around this time that the government allowed
the karimajong to acquire arms. Since then the Karimajong has been raiding
their neighbours when the government is watching
In Bundibugyo and kasese, in western Uganda, thousands of people were
internally displaced under similar circumstances to those prevailing in the
north. With the insecurity rising to critical levels, Ugandans started
showing concern and doubting the intentions of Museveni’s administration.
It became clear that Museveni does not possess the will and capability of
ensuring security for Ugandan citizens. Museveni’s leadership skills are as
doubtful as his intentions for dialogue.
DECEPTION AND A MISINFORMATION POLICY
When the ADF began its operations, Museveni promised to crash and finish
them within months. Till now, the ADF continues to operate in western
Uganda. Museveni’s policy in the north was imposed on the people of
Bundibugyo, Kasese and Kabarole. Innocent civilians died and property was
destroyed as a result. Concentration camps were established. The killing of
students at Kichwamba technical school in kabarole and the tourist in
bwindi national park illustrates how the country has become insecure under
Museveni’s rule.
When the UPA rebellion was ending, in eastern Uganda, Museveni’s cronies
needed an excuse to maintain their policies of extermination and justify
their tax shilling squandering. With the UPDF troops stretched far and thin
on the ground, they continued arm the K’jong. By doing this, Museveni was:
* Not committing UPDF troops to the region,
* By arming tribe against tribe, in northern Uganda, they would carry out
his extermination policy for him.
The Karimajong lived up to his expectations. They not only used the guns
against the Acholi, Langi and Itesot, but also turned these guns on
themselves in interclan clashes. Recent developments in Katakwi and Moroto
are testimonial to the proceeds from Museveni’s genocide policies.
Museveni totally disregarded this escalating internal insecurity,
commandeered UPDF troops into eastern Congo. A master of deception,
Museveni attempted to justify his involvement in the Congo under the guise
of tracking down and smashing the ADF. This sham was exposed when asked
whether the ADF was in Gbadolite, thousands of miles from the Ugandan
border. Museveni declared that he was protecting Ugandan interests (more
like his own interests). The major question here however is that if the
UPDF can be sent thousands of miles in Congo, why can’t the government
protect the karimajong from external raids and disarm them. Are they not
Ugandans?
In the Congo, it became clear that Museveni and his generals out there for
the bounty; gold, diamonds, timber and lots of other businesses. Uganda
became a conduit for Museveni’s illegal trade:
* The transportation centre for weapons throughout the great lakes region,
* Illegal dealing of resources smuggled from eastern Congo (and Unita
controlled territories).
* Money laundering by army generals.
Meanwhile, UPDF troops were used as protection rackets for these greedy
army officers. UPDF troops were exposed to the Ebola virus. The
contaminated soldiers were repatriated to Gulu so as to bring a new
damnation on the people in the North.
TERRORISM AND GENOCIDE, MUSEVENI’S FORTE’.
Uganda’s involvement in eastern Congo exposed us as a state that exports
terrorism to our neighbours. Uganda was making more enemies than friends
and losing troops very fast. This is evident by the fact that Uganda was
harbouring, training and equipping rebel movements against the Congo
government and the Sudan, e.g. the support given to RCD, MLC of Bemba and
the SPLA of Sudan. They reached Congo and got themselves involved in the
administration and affairs of the Congolese people an indication that the
UPDF was not there to track the ADF as they had a lleged. In the process
Museveni increased the rift between the hema and the lendu leading to death
of about 30000 Congolese in the conflict. The infighting and divisions of
the Congo mission degenerated into the infamous Kisangani clashes. We in
gulu reaped a little more from the deadly Ebola virus.
Museveni has turned an allinclusive political system to a narrow “one man
show”. He organised several stagemanaged elections to legitimise his rule.
In 1996, I campaigned for Dr. Paul. K. Ssemogerere, who stood for
presidential elections. The election to no surprise was totally rigged in
Museveni’s favour. He used the ruling, “one man”, Movement system and state
resources to manipulate the elections in his favour. Realising that he
could get away with patronising Ugandans, Museveni manipulated the in 2001
Presidential and Parliamentary elections. I campaigned for Dr. Col Kizza
Besigye and travelled with him twice throughout the country. Museveni
unleashed the UPDF and his illegal security organisations on the
population. The country witnessed an unprecedented level of state sponsored
terrorism, intimidation and violence. This was evident in Rukungiri, Jinja,
Kampala, and Kasese, to mention a few places. These were the most violent
elections Uganda has ever witnessed. It was clear that Museveni would have
preferred a war to elections. Museveni realised that the majority of
Ugandans wanted him out, so he gave them violence in exchange.
ABUSE OF POWER AND MANIPULATION OF STATE INSTITIONS.
The law prohibits involvement of the army in active politics, contrary to
that Museveni deployed the army to campaign for him. He later hijacked the
role of electoral security from the police and gave it to the army. As a
result his security agents intimidated people who wanted to vote for the
opposition.
Having experienced all the brutality in Northern Uganda and other parts of
the country. I volunteered to join other Ugandans who were a dvocating for
reform in the national politics and leadership of the country. This was in
search of a democratic leadership that is accountable to the people.
Museveni and his generals frustrated all this efforts and the presidential
elections were rigged in his favour.
I did not lose hope and decided to participate in the parliamentary
elections, still in pursuit of democracy and good governance and more so to
represent the people of my home constituency with the hope to get them out
of the misery they have lived in for the last 15 years. Little did I know
that the individual merit principle had lost meaning. Museveni’s apparatus
pursued me on my campaign trail. They funded candidates of their own using
taxpayers money. As a matter of fact, weeks after the parliamentary
elections, I was scheduled to appear on a Radio One Talk show (Spectrum),
with the Movement Director for Information Mr. Ofwono Opondo to discuss the
current cabinet. Opondo made it clear to me, prior to the show beginning,
how the Museveni administration had funded my opponent Jacob Oulanyah.
Opondo went even further and told me how proud he was that I did not
succeed.
After the parliamentary elections I continued to advocate for democratic
reforms with other Ugandans Under the reform agenda. This also turned into
a crime that almost landed me into a “safe house”. I was lucky to have been
tipped early enough to flee the country. I did this in search of peace and
freedom so that I can be able to continue in the campaign for democratic
reforms, peace, equal rights and justice for all Ugandans.
With all these events unfolding, it became clear to me why none of what I
did ever bore fruit, from the Peace conferences in London (Kacoke Madit),
to the several workshops and seminars on the political direction of the
country.
It became apparent to me why Ugandans are patient and prefer peaceful
methods of change to achieve their aspirations. No one in th eir right mind,
except Museveni and his movement would opt for suffering and bitterness of
a civil war. However, Museveni should not think that the Ugandan’s patience
runs perpetually. Museveni has misinterpreted our aspirations for peaceful
involvement as a weakness. My fellow Ugandans are being driven to a point
where the lines have been drawn. Take what is rightfully yours by any means
necessary. My fellow Ugandans we have to make that difficult choice where
it’s all or nothing. The rot in the country has reached unacceptable levels
and we all need to change strategy. Peace is unachievable, poverty is a
household property, elections don’t work, justice in the courts is a
privilege and institutions in the country are no more. All this rot is
coming from the top.
My departure from Uganda was exciting, but rather uneventfully with respect
to security. My travel revealed to me how exposed and vulnerable the
country’s security was. The country’s security and intelligence systems are
crippled. The men who are in charge of our security are just businessmen in
uniform with no grasps of what they are doing.
I want to reiterate my commitment to the struggle for democratic reforms in
Uganda and refuse to find a plot else where as advised by President
Museveni. I am determined to use all available means to ensure that Uganda
achieves democracy and the required change......
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