But has any body considered the fact that Paul kagame has made him self a president for the next 14 years? That and only that should make every body shiver for at least Museveni did not come out so blatantly as a dictator. For that basically means that in those 14 years there is no single Rwandese who can be a batter politician than him.
 
I continue to do what I have done for the last 20 years, look at Africa and our leaders as they come and go in our own eyes, and they all fail to learn even a single lesson as we the population fail to learn as well. Kagame should have known better.
 
Em
 
            The Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in anarchy"
            Groupe de communication Mulindwas
"avec Yoweri Museveni, l'Ouganda est dans l'anarchie"
----- Original Message -----
Sent: Wednesday, May 28, 2003 12:51 PM
Subject: [DHR] Rwanda May 2003 : Analysis by The Economist Intelligence Unit

Extracts

 

- (The) Mouvement democratique republicain (MDR), is in disarray, plagued by factional disputes, which many suspect have been fomented by the RPF

 

- Multiparty politics is being tightly managed by the RPF to ensure its own victory.

-The new constitution gives the government extensive powers to rule against those that it claims are acting against national unity, and these ill-defined powers will be used by the authorities to neutralise those that challenge the RPF's political hegemony. The domination of political power by Tutsis -- one of the main issues that actually motivates debate -- will remain an "untouchable" issue before and after the election. 

 

- Exiled politicians remain dispersed and weak, but are starting to join forces, and will pose a political challenge one day, particularly if they can secure a powerful backer. But this day seems far off, and the RPF will remain in power for many years to come.

 

THE ECONOMIST INTELLIGENCE UNIT, MAY 2003

 

Outlook for 2003-04: Domestic politics

 

Rwanda's first multiparty presidential and parliamentary elections

since independence are scheduled for November 2003. The elections will mark

the return to normal political activity which was suspended after the

ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) took power in 1994, ending the genocide

in which up to 1m Tutsis and moderate Hutus were killed. Since then, a

controlled form of political activity was allowed in which parties that

had been elected before the genocide were allowed to resume their seats in

parliament but were banned from campaigning or engaging in "normal"

political activity. The elections are to be preceded by a referendum on

a new constitution in late May, which is expected to be approved by

voters without objection or much enthusiasm. The government has promised free

and fair elections, and the voting is indeed likely to be relatively

transparent and free of noticeable coercion. However, the transition to open,

multiparty politics is being tightly managed by the RPF to ensure its own victory.

As a result, there is concern that even as the government opens the

political space formally, it will be shutting it down privately through a number

of undeclared mechanisms and strategies. First of all, the current ban on

party politics outside parliament will remain until after the constitution is

ratified by referendum, giving political parties just five months to

prepare for the elections. The state authorities will also keep a close eye on

the RPF's political competitors once campaigning starts, and will act

swiftly against any deemed to be promoting ethnic division. The new

constitution gives the government extensive powers to rule against those that it

claims are acting against national unity, and these ill-defined powers will be

used by the authorities to neutralise those that challenge the RPF's

political hegemony. The domination of political power by Tutsis -- one of the

main issues that actually motivates debate -- will remain an "untouchable"

issue before and after the election. As a result, it will be hard for the

other parties to differentiate themselves from the RPF. Meanwhile, the main

rival to the RPF, the Mouvement democratique republicain (MDR) which ruled

from independence until 1973, is consumed by internal division and it is

unlikely that the party will even unite behind a single candidate for the

presidential election.

 

A convincing RPF victory is expected in both the presidential and the

parliamentary elections and, though some human rights organisations are

bound to challenge their democratic legitimacy, diplomatic observers

and the international community will endorse them. Following the RPF's victory

in the elections, there will be no break in continuity with the policies

of the current administration. The weak opposition will be contained and an

ever shrinking elite will retain its political dominance, as it points to

the election result as proof of multi-party democracy and power sharing.

Below the surface, those that break with the ruling elite will head for

exile, joining the many that have already done so. Exiled politicians remain

dispersed and weak, but are starting to join forces, and will pose a

political challenge one day, particularly if they can secure a powerful

backer. But this day seems far off, and the RPF will remain in power

for many years to come.

 

Political scene: Elections will be held in November 2003

 

The presidential and legislative elections will be held in November

2003, according to the national electoral commission (REC) which was itself

finally confirmed by parliament in February. All Rwandans of the

diaspora will be entitled to vote, according to the REC, provided they are not

registered as refugees, which estimates the total electorate to be

around 4m. Those living inside the country will vote at 1,600 polling

stations, watched by 350 invited international election observers. President

Kagame has not declared that he will be a candidate, but he is expected to be

the choice of the RPF. The country's next largest party, Mouvement

democratique republicain (MDR), is in disarray, plagued by factional disputes, which many suspect have been fomented by the RPF (November 2001, page 13). The

leadership of the MDR is contested by Celestin Kabanda and Emmanuel

Twagirumukiza, who both say that they will stand as the MDR's candidate

in the presidential election. However, Mr Kabanda is reported to have been

expelled from his party -- a further sign of its internal division. A

former prime minister Faustin Twagiramungu, who has been in exile in Belgium

for several years, has also said that he wants to stand for the presidency.

However, the government has said that Mr Twagiramungu cannot become a

candidate unless he returns to Rwanda.

 

Another potential heavyweight candidate likely to be prevented from

standing is a former president, Pasteur Bizimungu, who leads Parti democratique

pour le renouveau (PDR), but has been in prison since mid- 2002 on charges

of stirring up racial division (August 2002, page 13). Despite pleas from

human rights organisations, the ban on party political activity imposed in

1994 will be lifted only after the constitution has been ratified by

referendum in late May, giving political parties just five months to organise

themselves, raise funds, and campaign for the election. This gives the

well-organised and relatively wealthy RPF an enormous advantage over

its rivals. In late 2002 the International Crisis Group (ICG), a

Brussels-based think tank, published a report stating that the advantages for the RPF

that are built in to the system indicate that the transition to democracy is

spurious and that the legacy of the 1994 genocide is being manipulated

to perpetuate the grip on power of a small elite. The report called on the

international community not to support the elections (February 2003,

page 14). However, the ICG's call appears not to have been heeded by donors,

many of whom are planning substantial material and financial assistance.

 



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