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YOU may not agree with them but the role played by the architects of Zimbabwe’s independence is immeasurable. Among them is the Zanu-PF national chairman, Cde John Nkomo who, like his fellow comrades in the struggle, toiled endured, and sacrificed all for the total liberation of Zimbabwe. And as the debate over the succession of President Mugabe gathers momentum, Cde Nkomo’s name is among those of ruling party heavyweights being banded around. However, pinning him down to talk about his own ambitions to ascend the thrown of the country’s political leadership was no easy task. An achiever throughout his career in Government, Cde Nkomo is viewed by others as one of the possible successors to President Mugabe. "That question (presidency) to me is academic. Leadership is not about occupying a high office, it is about facilitating and promoting national programmes at whatever level. "What you do should be aimed at strengthening your country and helping the people achieve their objectives but of course guided by the need to have common objectives as a nation,'' confided Cde Nkomo, who is also the Minister of Special Affairs in the President's Office. And if chosen by the party to succeed President Mugabe? "I believe any party with a seasoned and concerned membership will discuss and debate any issues as and when they see the need and when it is appropriate or necessary . . . I'm not aware that my party has taken a decision on the issue, at least I have not made any offer. "I have done my bit and I'm satisfied that despite the problems here and there, Zimbabweans are a free people, free to determine their destiny. "When I say Zimbabweans, I'm not only talking about people in my own party but all people . . . We are a democracy, a democratic environment where people are free to think, so let them think freely and debate freely for only then can we achieve a consensus. This must go beyond the issue you are raising. "Mind you there are over 10 million Zimbabweans. I have been able to contribute in the attainment of independence, being part of the management of a long, difficult and demanding transition and on being party to the negotiations of the achievement of the unity in Zimbabwe is a contribution that I'm satisfied with.’’ He believes there are more important issues than that of succession. "Zimbabwe does not need small minds that waste time on trivial matters but big minds that talk about ideas of making this nation what it should be. Governance is not about one person occupying an office it’s about the whole nation actively participating in the creation of a stable environment that is promotive and facilitative. "That's how I see it. We will never succeed unless we start looking at where we are and focusing on what we perceive as the ideal situation for Zimbabwe.'' His ambitions? "My hope is to see all people identifying and respecting each other as Zimbabweans regardless of tribe or race. That’s my ambition. It doesn't mean we should all belong to one political party or think alike on any given issue. People should make their choices in a conducive environment. I derive a lot of satisfaction in an environment where people accept that even as we endeavour to do things there is an expectation from one who created us that we accommodate each other. "My plea is that we should not interfere with those who come after us when they work towards the creation of a better Zimbabwe for themselves . . . We instead must assist them by telling them that one's colour is not important but what is important is that you are a Zimbabwean and a creation of God, you must respect that. "I wish that we could commit ourselves to resolving our problems internally as a family. We have the capacity and the ability. There is nothing that should be dividing us today. We should concern ourselves with nation building. Zimbabwe is a rich country with resources and we can exploit these resources and change our country. We should not spend time fighting but thinking how we should progress through the exploitation of our resources.'' He also have big dreams for Africa. "My next ambition is to see Africa, especially Southern Africa, breaking the artificial boundaries it has. After all we fought together in liberating our respective countries.'' Born in the then Gwai Reserve now known as Tsholotsho in 1934, Cde Nkomo first entered a classroom nine years later to do Sub A and B. He then moved to several neighbouring Christian schools including Solusi Mission in 1951 where he went up to junior certificate level. Thereafter he did a teacher training course at the Lower Gweru Mission. His desire for equality first registered at the age of 15 when, as was then required, he went with his father to apply for a juvenile certificate which one needed before applying for an identification card. "I recall going with my late father to the district commissioner's office in Tsholotsho. Although the commissioner, who was white, could speak Ndebele fluently, my father had to speak to him via a messenger. It was concidered disrespectful for a mere peasant farmer like my father to talk to a man in that position directly. A question was asked through the messenger what my father wanted and turning to us the messenger said 'the master says what do you want'. "My father answered that he wanted a juvenile certificate for me, this was in Ndebele and yet the messenger told the same commissioner in Ndebele that 'he wants identification for his son nkosi (master).' "My birth name is Landa, But when the commissioner asked my father what my Christian name was I was given the name John because you had to have an English name to be registered. "I became annoyed and realised that something was wrong that day . . . From then on I was alive and concerned with what was happening around us. Then we began to challenge the system. "My community had been forcibly moved out of Nyamandlovu to Tsholotsho to make room for the first world war veterans (1920. "The end of the second world war saw a repeat of the movement of the people from Fort Rixon to Tsholotsho. In both cases the communities were not compensated although they lost all that they had.’’ While at Solusi, Cde Nkomo skipped a year in 1954 to raise part of his school fees while working for the then Bulawayo Clothing Factory as a stores assistant. "That period introduced me to trade unionism . . . We had influences of those who were ahead of us in trade unionism that included the likes of the late Vice President Joshua Nkomo, (the late hero) Jason Moyo and Vice President Joseph Msika.'' From then on, full political activism was launched. "My experience at the commissioner's office was the first impression that caused me to ask questions and then later I was exposed to various discriminatory practices which included laws like the then job preservation which outlined jobs for blacks and those for whites. "Even though I was trained as a teacher, I was not considered a civil servant because blacks could not be civil servants but just government employees. "And in Bulawayo, even more humiliating, you were not allowed to walk on pavements more so if a white person was approaching. You had to give way to them. You were not allowed to buy in some shops unless you produced some form of certificate. Buses plying the low-density areas had the front compartments reserved for blacks, most of whom were domestic servants, and back seats for whites. "There were also other forms of discrimination for example black people were not allowed to drink clear beer, so those who wanted clear beer had to send coloured people or Indians to buy for them. The discrimination was total humiliation. That’s the environment we went through.'' After teacher training, Cde Nkomo first taught in Tsholotsho and then Mpopoma, Bulawayo. But because of the tense political situation then and his involvement in politics, he together with others, were moved to designated schools then suspended pending dismissals. This was followed by numerous detention periods. In 1963 Cde Nkomo was arrested and jailed for six months for challenging the authority of a district commissioner. He was fired from teaching soon after his release from prison. After the banning of Zapu, Cde Nkomo and others formed what they called the Bulawayo Residents Association, which among other things challenged the system of having blacks as advisory board members of council and not councillors. The advisory members advised councillors on what blacks wanted. The association also challenged a quarter system that had been introduced which saw a small percentage of black children being allowed to go into secondary schools. "Because there were few secondary schools for blacks only a few children could advance to secondary level. This resulted in more blacks being unemployed in urban areas. Wha-Wha prison was then formed to accommodate these unemployed youths who were considered as vagrants. The association was meant to promote political activism after the banning of Zapu. "As a black person if you walked in the city centre without a certificate you were arrested and declared a vagrant. And as a teacher I needed to carry an identification card to walk and buy from some shops. "All that treatment made one more determined to resist and challenge the system.'' After the declaration of UDI and the intensification of repression, Cde Nkomo spent four years at Gonakudzingwa Restriction together with other freedom fighters who included the late Vice President Cde Joshua Nkomo and Josiah Chinamano, among others. "We were an unwanted group of agitators and the idea was to take us away from the people so that we could stop influencing them to rebel against the system. With the people being hauled from all corners of Zimbabwe our resolve was strengthened and solidified.'' "It must be stated that after the desolution of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland resulting in northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland gaining freedom, the message became very clear to us ‘free yourselves.’’’ It was the struggle for total freedom in Africa that propelled people like the then Zambian President Kenneth Kaunda and Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere, whose countries were free then, to allow Zimbabwe and other liberation movements in Southern Africa to use their countries to train and launch the war of liberation.Several unsuccessful talks were held to try and resolve the situation in Zimbabwe and it was after one such meeting in Geneva that "we were attacked and Jason Moyo died. Some of us escaped with serious injuries. That hardened us, (Herbert) Chitepo had also died. The enemy had intensified a programme of eliminating the leadership of Zimbabwe liberation movements in Zambia.'' Although there were splits within Zapu resulting in the formation of Zanu "our commitment to total liberation of our country made us realise that it was important for us to work together.'' Cde Nkomo's involvement in politics stretched over to the Lancaster House talks of 1979. In Zambia he was in charge of the administration of Zapu initially having worked with Vice President Muzenda as Zanu and Zapu joined hands to fight for freedom. Cde Nkomo speaks of oneness regardless of race or tribe. He says he is able to forgive those he considered then to be his enemies? "I cannot forget what I went through but I can forgive. My children were like orphans. My parents were objects of abuse by the system. And when I was in Gonakudzingwa I saw my family only once in four years which must have been very traumatic for them. "And yet today I’m pleased that I can walk tall, proud for being in democratic Zimbabwe. Although my parents went through all that, the way they brought me up developed in me a sense of courage. "We would be naïve if we did not accept that colonisation was about taking from blacks what was not for the colonisers. Decolonisation is a process of reversing that and bringing about a just society. Given that we live in a small world I have now adopted an attitude that is very accommodative. Overtime what may be a worry today will no longer be a worry. But we need to manage that change. An 80-year-old white woman would probably find this situation funny, don't expect her to understand it but expect her to reluctantly accept it. "What was done to us was done by people who were short-minded and propelled by greed. Those are the same people who will tell me today that I'm violating someone's human rights and I'm undemocratic. But then I say to myself, these are old dogs, you can't teach an old dog new tricks. I want to say to them that we can make our country great but collectively. "It's now the collective responsibility of parents to tell their children that they are all human beings and we are all Zimbabweans, we must respect each other. Let's see a new generation that understands itself. A generation with a vision and values.'' In the independent Zimbabwe Cde Nkomo was a member of the first Parliament and chairperson of parliamentary committee on estimates of expenditure and then served as Deputy Minister of Industry and Energy. He was then appointed Minister of State in Prime Minister's Office. After the unity accord in 1989 he was appointed Minister of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare. It was during that period that he was elected president of the International Labour Organisation (ILO), a year later chairman of the governing body of ILO. Zimbabwe was during the time at the forefront in the struggle to remove apartheid in South Africa through the chairmanship of ILO and had hosted a number of discussions between stakeholders in that country. "When Mandela assumed office I had the privilege of hosting him in Geneva as chairman of the ILO governing body. We also hosted other great sons of Sourthen Africa.'' It was during the time that Cde Nkomo had the opportunity to visit the regions of South East Asia, South and North America and Europe. As the Minister of Labour Cde Nkomo spearheaded the formation of the now successful National Social Security Authority and established the African Labour Committee headquarters in Harare, which today stands as the pride of Africa. He also, together with retired Army General Solomon Mujuru and former Cabinet Minister Dumiso Dabengwa developed the first constitution of the War Veterans Association. He further spearheaded the enactment of the legislation. In Local Government he spearheaded a Bill to transform local governance in Zimbabwe which resulted in the introduction of the office of executive mayors in towns and chief executives in rural areas. He also drafted the Traditional Leaders Act, which delegates functions and powers to chiefs so that they can preside over some matters in their areas. Cde Nkomo also represented Africa on various international foras including the International Union of Local Authorities, which was held in Barcelona. "I was selected to represent Africa because Zimbabwe had shown the way. We had shown how after decolonisation we had transformed local governance so that it addressed our policy thrust. Our view was to get everyone to release their energies, the starting point is that everyone has a potential, some of those potentials do not come out because the conditions are not promotive.'' A father of eight, Cde Nkomo considers all Zimbabweans as his family members. "Even though I'm a family man, I regard myself as a member of every family in Zimbabwe. Those comrades who did not make it back were sacrificed so that the family of Zimbabwe could be free. This must be a challenge to all Zimbabweans.'' The
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