|
Yiyo too!!!!!!
One of the most important arears in which the struggle between Baganda and non
Baganda occurred was formed by what may be called the "Leading circles" of
Uganda politics. This arena is difficult to define, and its composition has
shifted from time to time, in at least one instance dramatically. But it was,
and is, an important feature in a country whose structures are still very much
in the process of formation. In the immediate post- independence period, three
key figures stood out: from the Northern region, Dr. Apollo Milton Obote, then
Prime Minister of Uganda and President of UPC; from Buganda, Sir Edward Fredrick
Mutesa 11, Kabaka of Buganda, subsequently President of Uganda, and principle
voice in KY; and from the Eastern region, Sir William Wilberforce Nadiope,
Minister of Internal affairs in Obote's government untill becoming Vice
president of Uganda in 1963, the semi-traditional ruler (Kyabazinga) of Busoga,
and a prominent and powerful member of UPC executive. No one from the Western
region quite approached these three in power at the time of independence,
although Grace Ibingira, a Munyankore, Minister of Justice in Obote's first
cabinet, and later Secretary-General of UPC, would come increasingly close. Each
of the three had a sizeable impact on national policies, and several followers
who were 'his' men will distribute among important decision-making groups (such
as the UPC executive, the Cabinet, the officer corps of the army, the higher
civil service, and so forth).
The principle contender of the Presidency of Uganda
in 1963 appeared for a while to be Nadiope, who was influential not only in
nationalist circles but also among the traditional rulers (the Abakama) of the
kingdoms of Ankole, Bunyoro and Toro. His election, however, while it would have
satisfied many nationalist and traditional groups, would almost certainly have
deepened the cleavage between baganda and non-Baganda. The hypersensitive
baganda might well have inferred that national positions were closed to them
unless, like the Baganda Ministers in the national government, they forsook
their specifically Buganda allegiances, moreover, it would have violated the
pre-independence agreement which called for Mutesa's election to the presidency
with Obote's support. The implementation of that agreement, it now appears in
retrospect, required that certain conditions be met. For the presidency, while
mainly an honorific position, did have certain emergency powers in the event of
a government crisis, and its occupant was ex-officio head of the armed forces.
If by supporting Mutesa, Obote were not to increase materially the power as well
as the prestige of his most formidable opponent for national leadership, it was
necessary that UPC be firmly in control of the government, Obote himself be
firmly in control of UPC, and in the event of a serious of a serious
policy difference between his and the Kabaka's governments, that is, between
Uganda and Buganda, that he be able both to resolve the issue in the national
government's favour by constitutional means and to count on the support of the
Army and Police, should the difference lead to an open dispute and a Baganda
boycott or similar disturbance. As we have seen, most of these conditions were
mate or were in the process of being mate. UPC was well on the way to gaining an
absolute majority in the National assembly. Obote, working closely with Ibingira
among others, was consolidating his power within UPC (mainly at the expense of
various local-level leaders but to some extent at the expense of the party's
left-wing at the national level as well). And as was explained above, owing to
the regional composition of the Armed forces, the national government
could count on the army and police in the event of a serious dispute with
Buganda. There remained only the question of the powers of the
presidency.
The Uganda independence constitution had given the
Queen's representative, the Governor General, absolute discretion to appoint the
Prime Minister after a general election, provided only that the person
appointed appear to command a majority of the members of the National assembly.
If these power were left unrevised and incorporated in the office of the
president, Mutesa would be in a position to appoint a KY leader as a Prime
Minister, even though the KY members constituted but a small proportion of the
national assembly. Hence, prior to his election the constitution was
amended to require the president as head of state to call upon the leader of the
party, having the most members in parliament to form a government and to
prohibit him from calling upon anyone from a party with less than twenty members
in the assembly. In addition, the independence constitution made no provision
for occasions on which the Governor general's action was required but on which
he infact did not act as he was advised to do by the cabinet. It was
anticipated, though, that there might well be bills, for example the "Lost"
counties bill, which would require the president's signature before becoming law
but which Mutesa might resist to sign because in his opinion they ran counter to
Buganda's interests. And so this potential Veto power was removed from the
presidency by another constitutional revision, which stipulated that
if the president failed to act in cases where his action was constitutionally
required (e.g., declaration of state of emergency, making a bill into law by
signing it, and forth), the prime Minister could act for him, and that action
would be construed as the president's. Despite considerable opposition
within UPC to honour the pre-independence agreement, Obote threw all his weight
behind Mutesa's election and, with the help of the principle of unanimity,
carried his cabinet with him. Subsequently, the national assembly
elected Mutesa president. Thus with minor and temporary alterations in the
alignment of forces, the Baganda were at this point incorporated further into
the developing state, rather than pushed out of it.
To be continued
Just a note: Ugandanet is having a problem
posting if we send out large postings, so we are splitting this topic in two
sections as we did the last one. (later !!)
The
Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in anarchy" Groupe de communication Mulindwas "avec Yoweri Museveni, l'Ouganda est dans l'anarchie" |
