Omw Ssemakula, As I await the evidence which you expect me to dispute in defense of Milton Obote and his part in the 1960s developments, I have been reading "Justice Prof Dr GW Kanyeihamba; LLB, LLM, PhD, JSC, SC" 's recently released book: Constitutional and Political History of Uganda: From 1984 to the Present.
I found a section on what he refers to as the "Dramatic Years, 1962-1966" and "The Conspiracies" therein particularly relevant to the issue of the phantom arms. I have attempted to reproduce sections of the book for the edification of those who may not have got hold of the book yet. I apologise for any mistakes that I may have made in the process but are willing to correct them as the discussions proceed. The quotes are taken from pages 88-94. ".......By 1965, the divisionist and traditionalist elements had penetrated the party, and acquired active supporters within the rank and file of the party followers**. The party was torn by confusion because many of those voices belonged to some of the most influential leaders of the party* After the successful referendum and successful transfer of the two "Lost Counties" to Bunyoro in 1964, the animosity of Buganda towards the Obote government and UPC escalated. Buganda traditionalists at Mengo **** begun to exploit all possible political angles with the aim of undermining and eventually removing Obote from power. A political alliance between the Kabaka, his ministers and disgruntled elements within UPC was reached. The latter included and was led by the then Minister of Justice, Grace Ibingira, who was at the same time, the Secretary General of UPC. He had ******Balaki Kirya, George Magezi and Dr Emmanuel Lumu, who were also Cabinet Ministers in Obote's government*****.. " In conjunction with the Mengo traditionalists and with the consent of the President, Edward Mutesa II, the King of Buganda, the conspirators approved the contents of a letter which was sent to Her Majesty, Elizabeth II, the Queen of the United Kingdom and Head of the Commonwealth, requesting her government to supply them with guns so that they could fight and overthrow Milton Obote***.. Her Majesty declined the request. " The conspirators next turned to the British High Commission in Uganda and requested it to get in touch with British private firms of gun manufacturers and ask them to supply guns. Gailey and Roberts**.. were contacted but they too declined to assist the conspiracy, but somehow through some other means, which have not been revealed by anyone, the conspirators managed to get hold of some guns and ammunition. This first part of the conspiracy, which was purely military was then truly set. " The next stage of the conspiracy was political. King Mutesa and the first group of conspirators began to persuade others from Central Government, Parliament and the opposition groups to join them in the mission of overthrowing the Obote government. Part of the plans to discredit that Government was for the Opposition group in Parliament to bring charges and allegations of corruption and abuse of power against Obote and his close associates so as to debate a motion of a Vote of No Confidence in Obote and pass it in Parliament. An interesting phenomenon developed*** People who had been entrusted with maintenance of the Westminster model of democracy in Uganda were now dissenting from their own party policies****..They would eat their cake and have it a the same time****. They kept their ministerial portfolios thus flattering the Prime Minister, while at the same time working secretly for his downfall. " The feudalists and traditionalists who joined the conspiracy had thought that they had lost so much under Obote. The dignity and grandeur of traditionalism required a government that respected the rulers, chiefs and the proprietary rights of the privileged few in the country. The Obote Government was radical; at least it claimed to be***..the Obote Government was putting common people above the traditional rulers and their henchmen. This trend had to be stopped by the creation of a government which would owe allegiance to the country's traditional groups rather than to the masses. " The third conspiracy was supposed to be inspired and led by the Prime Minister himself. According to his accusers, who included Mutesa himself, this group had as their motives, the destruction of the Independence Constitution, the establishment of a leftist dictatorship, the undermining of Uganda's ancient traditions and customs and the take-over by the state of personal property which had been built through individual private enterprise. " A study of the events at that time reveals sufficient evidence to suggest that the first and second conspiracies existed in one form or another. We shall discuss the third conspiracy first. There is no doubt that the UPC always claimed to be radical and socialist**the party claimed to represent the masses of Uganda rather than one region****.Government talked in terms of nation building and development that required the feeling of oneness, throughout the county****The development of the country required new attitudes towards the country's traditions and customs****Consequently, if Obote and his Government intended to carry out these changes, it was inevitable that the constitution would change. " However, was this a conspiracy?........this was no more a conspiracy than the act when government changed the constitution whereby Uganda ceased to form part of Her Majesty's dominions, or when the Governorship was abolished to be replaced by a Ugandan President, or when the powers of the traditional rulers were altered****.Conspirators are secretive by trade. They discuss in whispers and plot by night**By contrast**Obote and his colleagues in the UPC did not hide their ideas**they debated them in public places, shouted them at public rallies and published them in the press and magazines. ***..A government can sometimes be wrong*****.but it cannot be said that anyone who advocates change of an established institution, however unpopular that change may be, is a conspirator. On this account alone, Obote was not conspiring to overthrow the government of which he was the political head. " However, an examination of available evidence on the first two conspiracies suggests that they did exist****At the Gulu Party Conference, for example, no less a person than the Secretary-General of the party, Grace Ibingira, participated in a move to expel one of the party's leading radicals, John Kakonge from top leadership****..Apparently, sympathizers with these elements were carefully selected and recruited in the armed forces and arms and ammunitions began to arrive in the country without the knowledge of the Government. There can be no doubt that these were the acts in a conspiracy***." The arms, at least according to another trained lawyer, were real, and so were the attempts to remove Obote et al "by all means". Ibingira does not come out in such good light, unfortunately, but I need not apologise for Justice Kanyeihamba since at many points he cites private conversations with Ibingira himself. Over to you, Nduggu Ssemakula. Best regards, Yoswa.
