CONGO
KINSHASA
The Economist  Nov 15 - Nov 22

Not as bad as Dad, but worries are growing about the
the young president, Joseph Kabila.
                              -------------

The 32-year old president's handsome face is quite unlike that of his murdered
predecessor, whose jowly image adorns his office walls. But the handshake is the
same. Joseph Kabila, the Democratic Republic of Congo's leader, has his father
Laurent's meaty hands. This is startling, because Mr Kabila has done mercifully
little else to recall his dreadful father, one of the architects of Congo's tangled
five-year war, which has claimed at least 3m lives.

In July, Mr Kabila declared the war over, and accepted his main rebel enemies
into a government of national unity.But, as Congo's delicate transition begins,
there are signs, mostly still hazy, that Mr Kabila may yet turn out to be his
father's son.

Under the terms of a peace deal signed last year, Mr Kabila gave his armed and
unarmed opponents three out of four vice-presidencies and some 40 ministries in
the new government. Mr Kabila and the rebels have all pledged to form political
parties to fight elections due within three years.

Yet Mr Kabila appears to remain in control-at least, as much as anyone can be in
such a vast, violent and roadless place as Congo.

This may reflect Mr Kabila's relative popularity. Having grown up in Tanzania, he is
scarcely known to the Congolese, but many credit him with bringing peace.
Congo's latest bout of war began when Rwanda invaded it from the east in 1998
and most of Congo's neighbours piled in on one side or the other. Earlier this year,
at least in part thanks to Mr Kabila'sensible diplomacy, the last foreign troops
withdrew, leaving their increasingly isolated rebel proxies behind. These are the
groups that Mr Kabila has accepted into his government in Kinshasa, the capital.

By comparison, Azarias Ruberwa, one of his new vice-presidents, may be the most
detested man in Congo. His rebel group, the Rally for Congolese Democracy
(RCD), was raised and run by Rwanda.
Even in the distant east, which the RCD still controls, Mr Ruberwa is considered
a traitor. Nor is Jean-Pierre Bemba, another rebel vice-president, universally loved.
The irascible Mr Bemba was recently referred to the UN's International Criminal Court
at The Hague in connnection with his Ugandan-backed fighters'alleged penchant for
eating  rainforest-dwelling  pygmies - which Mr Bemba denies.

Still, in Congo, where no democratic election has ever been held, popularity is
less important than cash. And here too, Mr Kabila's faction appears to have
the upper hand.
To accomodate the 40 new ministers, many old ministries were broken up.
In the process, the old government managed to claw back some lucrative portofolios,
including those that dispense licences to distibute oil and set up mobile-phone
networks.
Diamond exports are also subject to the old regime's rules, despite the efforts
of an energetic new minister of mines, who recently tried to block the export
of stones worth 10m to an Israeli-run company, but was overruled by his deputy-
Mr Kabila's former chief of mines.

Another of Mr Kabila's allies is Katumba Mwanke, the new government's secretary
general, whom the UN has accused of involvement in the theft of state assets
worth more than $5 billion.

Mr Kabila may have some dodgy friends, but he has some good advisers too.
Last year the economy grew by 3%, despite half the country being in rebel hands.
In delight, foreign donors pledged aid worth more than $2.5 billion. But diplomats in
Kinshasa are beginning to sound queasy. The president's friends, they say, are
becoming a problem.

Mr Kabila would rather discuss the election he promises to hold. His party is
already holding rallies, even though, other parties are forbidden to do so.
Elections are hard to imagine, however. Fighting still rages in the east, and the
country has virtually no infrastructure. In remote areas, people have returned to
nudity for want of clothes. But if Congo is to be put together again, an election
will have to be held.

The Economist / Nov 15-Nov 22.
 
            The Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in anarchy"
            Groupe de communication Mulindwas
"avec Yoweri Museveni, l'Ouganda est dans l'anarchie"


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