The posting is addressed to Opoka and Mulindwa, but the question is to Opoka
as a reasonable man.
That certifies my curiosity, Omukulu Ssenyange is a true Muganda to the
born.
Em
Toronto
The Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in anarchy"
Groupe de communication Mulindwas
"avec Yoweri Museveni, l'Ouganda est dans l'anarchie"
----- Original Message -----
From: "ssenya nyange" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Sent: Saturday, November 20, 2004 5:29 PM
Subject: [Ugnet] FW: [DPNet] Abu Mayanja\ Opoka, Mulindwa, read
>
> Mr. Opoka, Mulindwa,
>
> Read and understand the reason behind 1966 Mengo crisis.
>
> Mr. Opoka, as a reasonable man, what was the cause? In Luganda we have a
> saying " enkima tesala gwa kibira"= a monkey does not judge in the case
> involving a forest" I just want to test your judgement.
> -----------------------------------------------------------------------
>
> >1958-2004: Mayanja saw it all
>
> Former NRM minister HAJJI ABUBAKAR KAKYAMA MAYANJA has lived through
> Uganda's major constitutional experiments: from 1961 when he was Buganda
> minister for education as Ugandans gathered in London (Lancaster House) to
> make the first independence constitution, to the 1994 Constituent
Assembly.
> Now in private legal practice, Mayanja relives the constitutions and
reckons
> that we are about to see a new constitution. He spoke to RICHARD M.
KAVUMA:-
> >
> >In 1958 the governor set up a committee on self-governance under J.V.
Wild,
> >which recommended that all members of the Legislative Council (LEGCO)
> >should be elected on a common roll. Until then, the governor used to
> >nominate representatives of Europeans and Asians.
> >
> >CA Delegates James Wapakhabulo (RIP ) CA chairman (left), NRM vice
chairman
> >Hajj Moses Kigongo (centre) and minister John Nasasira at the
International
> >Conference Centre in 1994.
> >
> >Registration of voters commenced in 1960 and constituencies were
demarcated
> >for the first time in Uganda.
> >But the Lukiiko warned all Baganda to stay away from the registration
> >exercise. It insisted Buganda would only participate in the exercise
after
> >its concerns were addressed: federo for Buganda; clarification of the
> >position of the Kabaka in independent Uganda; and guarantees against an
> >East African federation, among others.
> >
> >Buganda's opposition to such a federation was based on the fear that a
> >white minority in Kenya would rule indigenous Africans. But we (Buganda
> >government) went to the governor and continued negotiations.
> >
> >In the end, only 3 percent of the eligible voters in Buganda were
> >registered. Elections went ahead nevertheless, won by the Democratic
Party.
> >Some constituencies had as few as 200 people; it was ridiculous.
> >
> >The colonial secretary appointed a commission under Lord Munster to chart
> >the way forward for Uganda and Buganda, and it was from its report that
the
> >Lancaster Conference emerged.
> >It had representatives from the Uganda government (under Ben Kiwanuka as
> >chief minister), the opposition under [Apollo Milton] Obote, the Kabaka
and
> >other traditional leaders and their governments, and each of the
districts
> >of Uganda (such as West Nile, Acholi, Lango, Bukedi, Teso, Busoga,
Ankole,
> >Toro, Kigezi).
> >
> >At Lancaster, it was agreed that there should be a largely elected
Lukiiko
> >in Buganda, with 68 directly elected members, 20 Ssaza chiefs, six Kabaka
> >nominees, and Kabaka's ministers. A Lukiiko so constituted would then
> >decide whether Buganda's 21 LEGCO members would be directly elected by
the
> >people or whether the Lukiiko should constitute itself into an electoral
> >college and elect them.
> >Hajj Abubaker Kakyama Mayanja
> >But Kiwanuka rejected this position. You see, DP had defied the Lukiiko
and
> >urged people in Buganda to register. So if the Lukiiko were to elect MPs,
> >DP would certainly lose out. But Obote accepted this position on behalf
of
> >UPC.
> >
> >It was hence agreed that Buganda should be in a federal relationship with
> >the central government. The other kingdoms like Bunyoro, Toro were to be
in
> >semi-federal relationship with the centre, while the remaining districts
> >would be in unitary relationship with the centre.
> >
> >Now, when you look back, representatives of these districts did not want
> >federo because they thought that they were too backward and they did not
> >have the financial muscle, and that they would be better off if they
> >depended on handouts from the central government.
> >
> >But it would have been better if they had found a financial formula to
make
> >it work. This was because each district was ruled on vertical links
between
> >the district and the Centre at Entebbe, without any horizontal linkages
> >between district A and district B. The arrangement for that kind of
> >structure is federal.
> >
> >But if you get a constitution where the government intervenes at will in
> >the affairs of the local government as it is today, where the president,
> >for instance, interferes with boda boda tax in Kampala or the RDC
> >intervenes in the levying of market dues from a woman selling tomatoes,
> >this does not encourage development of a sound administration system.
> >
> >The notion that the people of Uganda are the same and that somebody at
> >Entebbe or in Nakasero knows what should be done in West Nile, Kapchorwa
> >and elsewhere is not correct. There are differences and people should not
> >be put in one straightjacket.
> >
> >And I think that today if we are going to have a federal system, it
should
> >be based on the original-independence district. One problem we have in
the
> >ongoing negotiations between Buganda and the centre is that government
> >insists that the districts should continue to report to the centre even
> >after creation of the regional tier.
> >
> >The government must agree that when the tier has been created, the
> >districts shall be responsible to the tier government, which shall be
> >responsible to the centre.
> >
> >I remained in the Kabaka's government as minister of education until
1964,
> >when I resigned, after the speaker - I think it was Eriasafi Kalule -
> >insulted me. He said something like, "you boy, sit down" (probably
because
> >I was young, unmarried, etc.).
> >
> >Later on in the year, I was elected by the Lukiiko as MP, replacing Jimmy
> >Simpson, who resigned as representative of Kyaggwe North East.
> >
> >1966 Constitution
> >One of the causes of the 1966 crisis has nothing to do with the Lukiiko.
> >Obote had been outmaneuvered by [Grace] Ibingira. Ibingira was
controlling
> >UPC executives in Buganda, Western and Eastern. The only region
supporting
> >Obote was the North.
> >If we had gone for a UPC delegates' conference, we would have voted Obote
> >out of the presidency of UPC and he would automatically ceased to be the
> >prime minister.
> >
> >But he forestalled this by arresting Ibingira, Magezi, Ngobi, and Kirya,
> >declaring a state of emergency and replacing the 1962 Constitution with
the
> >pigeonhole Constitution of 1966.
> >No debate. Parliament was called, it was surrounded by the army -
actually,
> >on my way to Parliament, I was slapped by a Special Forces man around
> >Nakivubo Place.
> >
> >Then Obote made a long statement and told us to find our copies of the
> >Constitution in the pigeonholes. Then they said that you would only be a
> >Member of Parliament if you swore an oath under the new Constitution.
> >
> >I took the oath. Those who did not ceased to be MPs.
> >
> >1967 Constitution
> >
> >The purpose of the Constitution was to give the president more powers.
> >Kingdoms were banned; Buganda's 9,000 square miles of land were taken.
> >
> >I spoke out strongly and even published a critique of the Constitution in
> >Transition. The key issues were the abolition of the monarchy, which was
> >not justified; the president was not to be elected directly; and the
> >president also had too much more power than before.
> >
> >There was a bill that allowed Parliament to constitute itself into a
> >Constituent Assembly and consider the Constitution, so it was published
and
> >passed.
> >
> >During that time, Buganda was under emergency since February 2, 1966,
when
> >Obote arrested five ministers. Obote particularly did not like me because
I
> >was very critical and I could dig up anything. They would ambush
Parliament
> >with a bill, suspend standing orders so that it is read the first, second
> >and third reading on that day. But I would see through it and tear it to
> >pieces.
> >
> >In 1968, Obote imprisoned me under emergency detention powers. I had been
> >acquitted of a charge of publishing a seditious article in Transition,
but
> >was re-arrested under emergency powers. I spent another two years in
prison
> >until I was released by Obote, shortly before he was overthrown.
> >
> >Now, if you look at 1967 and today's (2004/2005) constitutional amendment
> >exercise, one parallel is an insatiable greed for power. It appears that
> >the president [Mr. Yoweri Museveni] wants to - I mean he has got powers
to
> >appoint all these people, permanent secretaries, judges, ministers,
what?.
> >and now he wants to take over powers of Parliament.
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