Ever since the LRA declared their unilateral ceasefire, civilians have been travelling freely between their abandoned homesteads and the camp. Whenever they meet the rebels, the civilians often report the LRA telling them that "we will NOT return home from the bush, until ALL civilians have been released from the camps". The atmosphere in Lamwo county therefore like much of the North was one of freedom whereby civilians moved freely knowing full well that whenever they meet the rebels nothing would happen do them, although a question mark remained when it came to the UPDF. It was against this background that the UPDF struck on 21 October 2004.
The UPDF arrested 12 civilians who had gone to their former homes and herded them to the UPDF barracks. Local people reported seeing 12 other civilians, with their hands tied behind their back, many with blood all over their body being marched to the UPDF barracks. The UPD F accused the civilians of being LRA collaborators. At the barracks, 4 of the civilians were separated from the rest. In the night, they were asked to dig a large grave. They spent all night digging this grave. The purpose for which they did not know. In the morning of 22 October 2004, the 4 were released. The remaining 8 who were identified as Alex Nyeko, John okumu, Peter Olweny, Sam Olanya, Johnson Okot, Evaresto Opoka, Charles Oyet and Raymond Ochan have never been seen since. Word has since spread in Lamwo County that the 8 have been killed and buried by the UPDF (that it was their grave which the released 4 civilians spent all night digging).
UPDF commander orders killing of civilian...
On 4 November 2004, a UPDF captain with the mobile brigade landed at Acholibur. His unit had arrived at Acholibur the previous night. On the morning of 4 November 2004, a young girl by the name of Sarafina Ayaa left their home to go to the shops to buy some coo king oil. The UPDF commander saw Ayaa walking past and he immediately took fancy of her. He then ordered his soldiers (escorts) to go and collect Ayaa and bring her to him. 4 of his soldiers went to collect Ayaa.
According to people who witnessed the incident, the UPDF came and grabbed Ayaa by the arm but somehow, Ayaa managed to overpower the UPDF soldiers. It was at that point that one of them asked his colleagues to move to one side and he shot Ayaa several times on the chest and head. When Ayaa was laying dead on the ground, a group of UPDF soldiers, both from the mobile unit and some who were guarding the camp came and chased people away from the area. Ayaa was later picked up by her relatives and was buried the next day. As for the UPDF mobile force, they did not stay long in Acholibur, they marched on to the next location.
Lugore revisited...
In the 8th issue we reported on how the UPDF were recruiting children into the regular force and the local militia that security minister Betty Akech had been tasked to form. We reported on how the local UN office had visited one such training camp and recorded seeing at least 100 children under the age of 16. Lugore was where much of the recruitment and training of children took place.
In November 2004, the United Kingdom based "coalition to stop the use of child soldiers" accused Uganda of recruiting children in the army, local defence units and militia groups. The children rights body said Uganda government is using children as soldiers in war zones. The report also said Uganda government forces recruited and used large numbers of children by recruiting them into LDUs. It sighted Lugore where a team from UNICEF found a large number of children being trained by the UPDF. The children as we saw in the 8th issue, invariably, are th
ose
released by the LRA or those who simply run away. It is whilst on the way back that civilians land into UPDF hands and it is here that girls have been known to be forcibly taken by UPDF soldiers as wives (sex slaves) and boys/men press ganged into the UPDF.
Amida too...
Amida camp is situated 2 miles away from Kitgum town. On 6 November 2004, the World Food Program delivered food to the inhabitants. As it is customary, people come from far away to see if they too could get some food. The UPDF therefore saw this as an opportunity to swoop upon the local population especially young boys. As soon as food had been delivered, the UPDF set up a "road block" i.e. what is commonly known in Uganda society as "Panda Gari". Local boys, majority of whom were youngsters were forced onto the UPDF truck where they were taken to Pajimo barracks for military training. More than 100 young people where abducted by the UPDF that day. A few managed to escape (f
rom
Pajimo barracks) but they are now in hiding fearing that they would be re-arrested anytime and taken back for the 2 week military training before being deployed against the LRA. Sources reveal that the forcible recruitment of young people (many of whom are under age) has the support of senior military figures in the North plus some local leaders including the RDC's office, all of whom are in the pay of the UPDF military dictatorship.
And Finally...
As we have reported in the past, the ICC investigations into the Northern conflict has drawn alot of suspicion from many quarters, with some observing that this might be another scheme by the backers of the NRM military dictatorship to cover up their tracks by "heaping all blame on the LRA's head" for crimes committed by the UPDF and the psuedo-LRA . These suspicions about the ICC appear to have been confirmed by the secretive manner in which their activities have so far been conducted i.e.
whereby
the only party consulted are the UPDF military and those in the pay of the military dictatorship.
In November 2004, an International women's group, Women's Initiative for Gender Justice found that people in Northern Uganda were unaware of the ICC's activities in Northern Uganda and instead viewed its investigations as potentially hampering the peace process. The NGO further found through speaking to people in Northern Uganda that the UPDF were as guilty of war crimes including crimes against humanity as its adversary the LRA.
But don't mention any of these to the ICC. It would seem the foreign policy objectives of some powerful countries have taken precedent over what the ICC is meant to be to the world. This as many voices have mentioned before makes the current investigations, just another "white wash" by the international community.
Until next time, Jok Joka malo.
� The Echo 2004
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