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THE CONQUEST OF UGANDA
The reign of Idi Amin exasperated a political
decadency which started in the 1960s. It exploded with the fall of Amin's
regime. A country cannot experience stability and progress when ruled by a
minority regime. The Tutsi planners knew this very well and indeed one could
argue that their effort to contribute to the internal insecurity, political
murders, and polarization of the general population against the ruling groups of
Obote through GSU and Amin's State Research was towards this aim.
Some people have claimed that Museveni volunteered
to fight for FRELIMO in Mozambique and later underwent military training in
North Viet Nam. While this could make him look like a macho fighter, there is no
concrete evidence to support that claim. We know from first hand witness that
President Nyerere was a strong supporter of FRONASA and so permitted them to
send their trainees to Nachingweya Military Training Camp in southern Tanzania
where FRELIMO trained their men. The team which went there for training
included:
Ahmed Sseguya (leader)
Sallim Sarey, Fred Rwigyema, Jim Muhwezi,
Muchunguzi, Kihanda, Rwandali, Keitongwa, Rweibanda, Muwanga Jackson, Yoweri
Museveni, Kashaka Shaban.
Could this have been part of the Tutsi Dynasty Plan
of 1962 to train their youth in military tact for eventual take over of the
Great Lakes Region?
One of the strategies which NRA used extensively
and effectively in Uganda's bush war against Obote was to kill thousands of
civilians at night and by daytime fabricate stories that Obote's soldiers
massacred innocent civilians. Such a trick caused the civilian population and
world community to turn their sympathy from Obote's government to the rebel
group. In 1983 a German Journalist, Mark Schumdt, went to the war zone in
Bulemezi to investigate what was going on as news of mass killings in the
Luwero triangle were spreading worldwide. Mr. Schumdt met with Museveni and his
high command who told him what they wanted him to hear. They then chose David
Tinyefunza and Jim Muhwezi to escort him to places where they had piled up dead
bodies of civilians whom NRA themselves had killed. The same killers blamed
Obote's soldiers for their crimes. When Mark saw those bodies, he became
suspicious and asked: Why would Obote's army collect dead bodies and not bury
them knowing this could implicate them for killing innocent people? He also
asked them how they knew that dead bodies are collected in that place since
there was nobody in that area other than the NRA soldiers. He insisted that he
wanted to interview civilians in the area so as to get their views about these
killings. Museveni's officers did not like Mark's approach because he had become
suspicious that Obote's army may not have killed those civilians, but NRA did
the killing for the purpose of tarnishing Obote's image with the population and
the international community. Hence, they ordered that Mark Shumidt be sent back
immediately. While on his way back, they killed him and confiscated his camera
and notes.
In 1984, the NRA got a British reporter, William
Pike, who is suspected of having more connections than a telephone line and was
also broke and had all the tendencies of a mercenary journalist to NRM. NRM cut
a deal with Mr. Pike to run their propaganda in the world media. He was willing
to do anything for
money. He successfully used his journalistic skill
to fabricate favorable reports for the NRA, galvanizing tremendous sympathy for
Museveni and his men. Upon NRM/NRA victory, William Pike was awarded the
position of Managing Editor of NRM government newspaper, The New Vision. That
paper became the mouthpiece of NRM/NRA regime in a manner to what PRAVDA was to
the Soviet Union and Mr. Pike's fortune skyrocketed.
We see a parallel in later years when RPF invaded
Rwanda, killing people by the hundreds in the northern part of the country.
Alison DeForge, Catherine Watson, Colette Brackman and Roger Winters were the
most notorious propagandists for RPF, fabricating favorable stories and covering
up RPF's crime. Alison DeForge in particular crisscrossed the English speaking
world spreading RPF's mendacious flatteries.
During the bush fighting to overthrow Obote, Tutsis
including Museveni, used to brainstorm their plan of taking control of Uganda
first using it as a staging ground to take over Rwanda and other neighboring
countries. They used to claim that only Tutsis were destined to rule and
despised Hutus and other Bantu tribesmen as inferior objects whose role in
society was but to follow orders. This same sentiment was to be echoed later at
RPF training of their intelligent operatives in the Catholic Bishop's house in
Kabale, Kigezi some years later.
Soon after Museveni took over power in 1986, he
imposed on the people of Uganda the "nonsectarian law" which forbids calling any
person by his tribal affiliation. It was later discovered that such law was
intended to forbid Ugandans from complaining about the excessive number of
Tutsis in high positions of government. Fred Rwigyema was Minister of
Defense and the entire Command and control of that ministry was in the hands of
a Tutsi/Hima clique. Uganda Commercial Bank under a Hima Frank Mwine was totally
bankrupted; so were all the parastatal corporations. The funds which were
channeled through fictitious personal loans may have ended up in financing RPF
operations. The Uganda Treasury accumulated foreign loans supposedly for
development projects which are non-existent in Uganda.
Perez Kamwinanwire became Ambassador to the U.N.
and later to Germany. Ezra Surumana alias Suruma was Deputy Governor of the Bank
of Uganda. Emmanuel Ndungutse headed the Uganda Investment Authority - an agency
he mismanaged and robbed thoroughly. With millions from the UIA, he went to
Rwanda after the RPF conquest and invested in a number of business ventures in
addition to serving RPF regime.
It is important to recall that the bulk (80% to
90%) of the fighting force which toppled Obote's regime were Baganda. By the
time of capturing Kampala and taking over the reign of power, most Baganda
fighters of officer material had been killed in mysterious circumstances. Hence,
the control of the NRA was in the hands of Museveni's Tutsi men. He further
purged the skewed number of Baganda in the military by dismissing hundreds of
them in order to create room for other tribesmen. While that move gave him
temporary political credit, the actual results were different. Instead, he
recruited thousands of your people from Ankole and Kigezi areas to the total
exclusion of the entire northern region plus other areas of the
country.
CONTINUED ON EIGHT
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